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HEADLINES
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AP - Prominent political prisoner freed in Myanmar
Reuters - Myanmar's Win Tin vows to continue democracy fight
AFP - Myanmar to release 9,000 prisoners
AFP - Bush to meet with dissidents on UN margins
AFP - US Welcomes Release Of Political Prisoner In Myanmar
AFP - Stamping out corruption can save lives, watchdog says
Bernama - UN-BOUND WORLD LEADERS
The Nation - Editorial: Saffron revolution: A year on, no change
RSF - Joy at U Win Tin’s release after 19 years in prison
IWPDC - NHPC signs major hydro MoU with Myanmar
Thaindian News - Metereological Department reports earthquake off coast of Myanmar, felt in high rises of Bangkok
UCAN News - MYANMAR; Church Helps Cyclone Farmers, But Salty Soil, Pests Hamper Rice Crop
BusinessWorld Online - RP drops further in corruption perceptions survey
Mizzima News - Ashin Gambira unwell in court
The Irrawaddy - Leaked Document Reveals Burma’s US Policy
The Irrawaddy - Taking a Deep Breath
DVB News - Interview: Engaging with the military regime

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Prominent political prisoner freed in Myanmar
Tuesday September 23, 9:00 PM

YANGON, Myanmar - Myanmar's longest-serving political prisoner was among more than 9,000 inmates freed Tuesday, days before the first anniversary of the junta's deadly crackdown on anti-government protests led by Buddhist monks.

Win Tin, a journalist-turned- activist and aide to pro-democracy opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, was held for 19 years. He was one of at least seven political prisoners released, Amnesty International said.

The rights group said there are an estimated 2,100 political prisoners in Myanmar, which has been under military rule for 46 years and is one of the world's poorest and most authoritarian nations.

A longtime journalist and poet, while in prison Win Tin would write poems on the walls of his cell with ink made of brick powder and water, according to supporters who visited him. He said he would keep wearing his prison blues as a sign of protest against the military rulers, and he vowed to keep pressing for more freedom.

"I have to continue with my unfinished task of trying to achieve democracy in Myanmar," he said from a friend's home in Yangon after being released from Insein Prison.

While incarcerated, Win Tin had two heart attacks, a hernia operation and suffered from high blood pressure, diabetes and spinal inflammation, according to international media groups. Now 78, he appeared alert and healthy despite recent reports of being ill.

Asked how it felt to be free, Win Tin replied, "I will be happy only when all political prisoners, including Aung San Suu Kyi are released."

Nobel Peace Prize winner Suu Kyi has spent more than 12 of the past 19 years in detention, mostly under house arrest. In 1990, her party won a landslide victory that the junta refused to acknowledge. Instead, the regime stepped up arrests and repression of dissidents.

Suu Kyi has called Win Tin "a man of courage and integrity" and said he was instrumental in Myanmar's democracy movement. Human rights groups rejoiced at his release.

"We are immensely relieved that he has finally been freed," Reporters Without Borders said in a statement. "It is unacceptable that he was made to serve 19 years in prison for peacefully advocating democracy but today his release is an historic moment."

The amnesty granted to 9,002 prisoners around the country was believed to be one of the largest the junta has approved.

It came days ahead of the first anniversary of the military junta's brutal crackdown on protests led by Buddhist monks. The U.N. estimated at least 31 people were killed when the army fired on peaceful protesters Sept. 26-27, sparking global outrage.

Analysts suspect the junta timed the release as an attempt to fend off international criticism on the anniversary.

"I am certain that it is part of a political strategy," said Josef Silverstein, a retired Rutgers University professor and Myanmar expert. "The military did not come off well in attacking the monks last year and that attack has not been forgotten."

The junta "is determined to get the world to forget and just take note of the military's 'favorable' action," he added.

Win Tin served as a close aide to Suu Kyi and helped found her National League for Democracy opposition party in 1988. He was arrested on July 4, 1989, along with other opposition politicians. Authorities initially kept him without food while interrogating him about his role in the democracy movement, Suu Kyi wrote in 1996 in a newspaper article.

Tried in a military court, he was sentenced to 14 years in prison for allegedly being a member of the banned Communist Party of Myanmar. He was most recently sentenced in 1996 to an additional seven years for writing to the United Nations about prison conditions and for writing and circulating anti-government pamphlets in prison.

Amnesty International called Win Tin's release "the best news to come out of Myanmar in a long time," but said the seven political prisoners "don't even represent 1 percent of the political prisoners there. There are many, many more who should also be released."

The United Nations and international rights groups had long called for Win Tin's release and referred to him as Myanmar's longest-serving political prisoner.

State-controlled media said the amnesty was granted to prisoners who exhibited good "moral behavior." Analysts said the vast majority of the prisoners were likely petty criminals. The government often grants amnesty to people convicted of low-level crimes to mark important national days.

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Myanmar's Win Tin vows to continue democracy fight
Tuesday September 23, 5:43 PM

YANGON (Reuters) - Myanmar's longest-serving political prisoner, journalist Win Tin, vowed on Tuesday to continue his struggle against 46 years of military rule only moments after his release from a 19-year sentence.

"I will keep fighting until the emergence of democracy in this country," he told reporters outside a friend's house. He was still wearing his light-blue prison clothes.

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Myanmar to release 9,000 prisoners
Tuesday September 23, 6:15 PM

YANGON (AFP) - Myanmar's military government will release more than 9,000 prisoners so they can take part in elections promised by the ruling generals for 2010, state media announced Tuesday.

Official newspapers did not reveal if any of the nation's estimated 2,000 political detainees would be freed in the amnesty, but an opposition party spokesman said he heard four prominent political prisoners may be released.

The New Light of Myanmar newspaper said 9,002 prisoners would be released on Tuesday due to good conduct and "to enable them to serve the interests of the regions and ... the fair election to be held in 2010".

"Plans are being made for those serving prison terms to turn them into citizens to be able to participate in building a new nation," the paper added.

The United Nations has urged the regime to free all political prisoners, the most famous of whom is democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi. She has been detained for most of the last 19 years.

A spokesman from her National League for Democracy (NLD) said similar amnesties in the past had not included political prisoners but noted that a few NLD supporters may have been freed on Tuesday.

"We heard that four prominent political prisoners including Win Tin were released. But so far we haven't got any confirmation. We are trying to confirm this with their family members," Nyan Win told AFP.

Win Tin, a 78-year-old journalist, is the country's longest-serving political prisoner and has been detained since 1989. His friend Maung Maung Khin said they were waiting hopefully for any news of his freedom.

United Nations human rights envoy to Myanmar Tomas Ojea Quintana met with Win Tin and other prominent political prisoners inside the notorious Insein Prison when he visited the country in August.

They included Buddhist monk Gambira, who helped lead massive anti-government protests in September last year.

About 700 of the 2,000 political prisoners that human rights groups say are currently behind bars were arrested during those demonstrations, which the regime quashed a
year ago this week.

The UN has said at least 31 people were killed during the crackdown, and security has been tight in Yangon during the anniversary of the violence.

Myanmar's military government has said it will hold multi-party elections in 2010, but critics say the polls are just a way for the generals to solidify and legitimise their power.

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Bush to meet with dissidents on UN margins
Mon Sep 22, 8:48 PM ET

NEW YORK (AFP) - US President George W. Bush will meet with critics of the governments of Russia, China, Venezuela, North Korea, Myanmar and other countries in New York on Tuesday, the White House has said.

Bush and First Lady Laura Bush will "host a lunch for political dissidents where they will discuss how to advance the freedom agenda and the protection of the rights and dignities of all people," said spokeswoman Emily Lawrimore Monday.

They include chess legend turned Kremlin critic Garry Kasparov; Lodi Gyari, special envoy of the Dalai Lama; Myanmar monk U Kovida; Cuban journalist Omar Pernet Hernandez; and Sang Hak Park, president of "Fighters for Free North Korea," Lawrimore said in a statement.

Other guests include Gameela Ismail, wife of Egyptian opposition leader Ayman Nour; Belarus opposition leader Alexander Kozulin; former Soviet dissident Natan Sharansky; and Sierra Leone Foreign Minister Zainab Hawa Bangura.

The list also includes Vytautas Landsbergis, a member of the European Parliament from Lithuania; Radio Caracas Television chief Marcel Granier of Venezuela; Ausama Monajed for the Movement for Justice and Development in Syria; and founder of the outlawed China Democracy Party Xu Wenli.

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US Welcomes Release Of Political Prisoner In Myanmar
Tuesday September 23, 4:25 PM

WASHINGTON (AFP)--The United States on Tuesday welcomed the release of Myanmar's longest serving political prisoner but said it would press for the freedom of all jailed dissidents.

"We hope it's a first step in a process," Robert Wood, a spokesman for the U.S. State Department, told reporters, adding it was "long overdue."

But while the move was a "positive step," it remained unclear if the release signaled a shift in the Myanmar government's approach to dissent, he said.

The comments came after Myanmar's junta on Tuesday released Win Tin, a 79- year-old journalist and prominent dissident, who had been behind the bars of Yangon's feared Insein prison since 1989.

He was released along with a handful of other dissidents as part of an amnesty granted by the junta to more than 9,000 inmates.

State media announced Tuesday the 9,002 prisoners would be freed so they could take part in elections promised by the ruling generals for 2010. The move also comes on the one-year anniversary of massive anti-junta protests.

Human rights groups estimate that about 2,000 political prisoners are locked away in Myanmar, including the country's most prominent dissident, Aung San Suu Kyi of the National League for Democracy - who has been detained for most of the last 19 years.

Wood said the U.S. wanted to see the release of Suu Kyi and all imprisoned dissidents.

"We continue to call for the release of political prisoners."

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Stamping out corruption can save lives, watchdog says
Tuesday September 23, 7:24 PM

BERLIN (AFP) - Stopping practices such as cronyism and embezzlement can save lives in poor countries, a graft watchdog said Tuesday as Somalia, Iraq and Myanmar again came bottom in its global corruption rankings.

"In the poorest countries, corruption levels can mean the difference between life and death, when money for hospitals or clean water is in play," Transparency International (TI) said.

"The continuing high levels of corruption and poverty plaguing many of the world's societies amount to an ongoing humanitarian disaster and cannot be tolerated," the non-governmental organisation' s head Huguette Labelle said.

Rampant corruption in low-income countries also jeopardises the global fight against poverty and threatens to derail the UN Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), the report published in Berlin said.

This "calls for a more focused and coordinated approach by the global donor community to ensure development assistance is designed to strengthen institutions of governance and oversight in recipient countries, and that aid flows themselves are fortified against abuse and graft," TI said.

It estimates that unchecked levels of corruption would add 50 billion dollars -- or nearly half of annual global aid outlays -- to the cost of achieving the MDGs on water and sanitation.

The African Union has estimated that corruption costs the continent 148 billion dollars annually, equal to the gross domestic product of Kenya, Tanzania and Cameroon combined, TI said.

According to TI's latest Corruption Perceptions Index, the countries worst hit by problems such as back-handers and bribery in 2008 remained Somalia, Myanmar and Iraq.

Somalia, the east African nation without a functioning government since 1991, scored just 1.0 point on TI's range of between zero, which is highly corrupt, and 10, which is very clean.

Myanmar, which received international condemnation for its heavy-handed crackdown on protests in September 2007, was on 1.3 points, as was Iraq, five years after a US-led invasion toppled Saddam Hussein. Haiti was on 1.4.

The score is based on perceptions of the degree of corruption as seen by business people and country analysts.

The places where officials were seen as least likely to line their own pockets were Denmark, Sweden and New Zealand, all sharing first place with a score of 9.3 points, ahead of Singapore in fourth and Finland and Switzerland in joint fifth.

In 2007 Denmark, Finland and New Zealand shared the top spot.

But TI was also critical of some wealthy nations that registered significant drops in the global rankings, such as Britain, whose score fell to 7.7 points from 8.4 in 2007, and Norway, which dropped to 7.9 points from 8.7.

Britain fell to 16th in the rankings from 12th in 2007, and Norway slipped to 14th from ninth.

The continuing emergence of foreign bribery scandals indicates a broader failure by the world's wealthiest countries to live up to the promise of mutual accountability in the fight against corruption, TI said.

"This sort of double standard is unacceptable and disregards international legal standards," said Labelle.

"Beyond its corrosive effects on the rule of law and public confidence, this lack of resolution undermines the credibility of the wealthiest nations in calling for greater action to fight corruption by low-income countries."

Substantial improvements in the rankings were recorded for Albania, Cyprus, Georgia, Mauritius, Nigeria, Oman, Qatar, South Korea, Tonga and Turkey.

The United States saw its score inch up to 7.3 points from 7.2 points in 2007, putting it at joint 18th place with Japan, whose score fell from 7.5 a year ago.

China was on 3.6 points at 72nd, up from 3.5 points and just ahead of India, whose score dropped to 3.4 from 3.5 to put it in 85th position.

Russia, in 147th place, also saw its score fall, from 2.3 points to 2.1 points. Germany's rose to 7.9 to 7.8, putting it in 14th position, while France's dropped to 6.9 from 7.3, making it 23rd.

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UN-BOUND WORLD LEADERS
Bernama - Wednesday, September 24

For example, Heyzer said women accounted for approximately 61 per cent of deaths from the recent Cyclone Nargis in Myanmar, and more than 70 per cent of fatalities from the Indian Ocean tsunami in December, 2004.

She said while these grim facts made for grim reading, the problems had only been worsened by the region's widespread gender disparities, citing last year's regional survey produced by the Bangkok-based Unescap that estimated persistent gender inequality cost the region between US$58 billion and US$77 billion (US$1 = RM3.4) annually.

The world, she said, must collectively commit to ensure that everyone was able to reap the benefits of progress in implementing those eight laudable commitments.

The MDG goals range from halving extreme poverty to halting the spread of HIV/AIDS and providing universal primary education.

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Saffron revolution: A year on, no change
The Nation - EDITORIAL
Published on September 24, 2008

The Burmese junta will continue to mock the world unless we start to take action now. Looking back one year ago, it was hard to hold back tears at what the Burmese military junta did to its own people. It was this week last year that thousands of monks, nuns, students and ordinary people poured to the streets of Rangoon and braved the security forces and their brutality. The army and police opened fire on peaceful demonstrators, killing dozens. There was outrage all over the world. And, yet, the Rangoon regime stood firm and carried on doing what it does best: intensifying the suppression of the Burmese people. The generals, hiding in their upcountry bunkers, knew full well that the fate of the demonstrators would not occupy the evening news for too long. The international community has too many of its own problems to ponder. It only responds to immediate issues at hand, and its span of attention is also very brief.

Then, Cyclone Nargis became a blessing in disguise for the regime. It gave the generals all the necessary time they needed to regain their posture, as the UN agencies and all other international organisations, humanitarian or not, had to beg to be allowed inside the devastated areas in the Irrawaddy Delta. They have all been willing to accommodate the regime's wishes and decrees. That has been the fault-line that nobody wants to raise.

Of course, the nearly 3 million Burmese victims of the storm have continued to suffer because they have to depend entirely on the junta's helping hand. Whoever the recipients are of such assistance, they will have a high price to pay in the future. Whatever they do today and in the future will be closely monitored.

The junta has successfully used stringent rules to screen international workers and journalists who want to gain entry into the country. Complicated foreign exchange regimes have also enriched the junta's coffers. Obviously, no official from any international organisation would have the courage to give a frank assessment of money lost through the Burmese foreign exchanges. They would simply say it was for a good cause, to relieve the suffering of victims. Suffice to say, the junta is richer today than ever before, even though the economic malaise that plagued the country before the massive demonstrations last year continues unabated, with inflation as high as 50 per cent.

This helps to explain why the junta leaders are more confident than before in suppressing their own people and carrying out their specially designed "roadmaps". Just recently, the Burmese authorities arrested Nilar Thien, a leader of the 1988 student group. More and more students activists have been were arrested without making newspaper headlines. The regime has completely ignored the international community's appeal for the release of Aung San Suu Kyi and nearly 2,000 political prisoners. It knows deep in its heart that nobody outside the country can do anything about it.

If the junta leaders steer clear of internal discord, they can carry on and stay put. Just look at Asean and its current attitude towards Burma. After its strong statements expressing revulsion at the regime for using violence against its own people last September, the grouping is now claiming success in leading the humanitarian effort inside Burma. Since its admission to Asean in 1997, Burma has been pulling the regional grouping down and causing rifts among its members. So far, Rangoon has been calling all the shots, using ratification of the grouping's much-cherished first charter as a bargaining chip.

The regime has set up a nationwide poll which will rubberstamp its heartless governance. Like May's national referendum on the poll, the rigged outcome of the planned 2010 election will be used to legitimise the junta. The Burmese generals know they will get away scot-free because no country will pay close attention for very long. Unless we prove them wrong. To do that, we have to start acting now.

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Joy at U Win Tin’s release after 19 years in prison
Reporters without borders (press release) - 23 September 2008

Reporters Without Borders and the Burma Media Association are overjoyed by today’s release of leading Burmese journalist U Win Tin after 19 years in detention. He emerged from Insein prison still dressed in prisoner clothes after benefiting from an amnesty announced by the military government for thousands of detainees ahead of elections promised for 2010.

“We worked together to defend U Win Tin’s innocence and we are immensely relieved that he has finally been freed,” the two organisations said. “It is unacceptable that he was made to serve 19 years in prison for peacefully advocating democracy but today his release is an historic moment. We hope other journalists and prisoners of conscience will also be freed and that U Win Tin will be able to resume his peaceful struggle for press freedom and democracy in Burma.”

Shortly after his release at 4 p.m., U Win Tin spoke to journalists at his home. “I am going to continue practising politics because I am a political man,” he said. “I did not sign document 401, which would have forced me to give up that role. Starting today, I am going to continue supporting Aung San Suu Kyi and the National League for Democracy. I will soon be 80, but I am not going to stop.”

Referring to the announcement of his release, U Win Tin said: “I learned of it this morning from an official, but I did not trust it. The last time they made the same promise, I was not released. That is why I refused to take off my prisoner clothes.”

The government’s New Light of Myanmar daily newspaper announced today that 9,002 prisoners are to be released in order to allow them to take part in the elections promised for 2010. A small number of political prisoners have benefited from this amnesty, which comes a year after the military junta’s ruthless crackdown on pro-democracy demonstrations.

Arrested on 4 July 1989, U Win Tin was sentenced to a total of 20 years in prison on various charges including anti-government propaganda. He had been the editor of the daily Hanthawaddy and vice-president of the Burma Writers Association as well as Aung San Suu Kyi’s political mentor.

He was mistreated on various occasions during his two decades in prison. One of these was in 1996, after the authorities discovered he had provided the United Nations with information about prison conditions. But the fact that he is well known internationally resulted in his being given a special cell and access to hospital treatment.

Aung San Suu Kyi said this about U Win Tin: “It was natural that those who believed in intellectual freedom and justice were the first to get involved in the 1988 democracy movement. From the outset, Win Tin played an active role in the Union of Writers that emerged during the movement’s first weeks. His undeniable skills and the strength of his convictions made him a priority target for those opposing the democratic cause.”

Eight journalists are still in prison in Burma. They include Zaw Thet Htwe, who is currently being tried inside Insein prison.

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NHPC signs major hydro MoU with Myanmar
International Water Power and Dam Construction
23 September 2008

India's National Hydroelectric Power Corporation (NHPC) has signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with the Government of Myanmar to develop hydro power.

Under the MoU, the electricity company will help to develop hydro projects in the Chindwin catchment in co-operation with Myanmar's Ministry of Electric Power No (1).

Key projects to be studied for development are the 1200MW Htamanthi and 600MW Shwesayay schemes.

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Metereological Department reports earthquake off coast of Myanmar, felt in high rises of Bangkok
September 23rd, 2008 - 10:06 am ICT
Thaindian News - by Amrit Rashmisrisethi -

The Metereological Department issued an earthquake notice last night at 8:45 PM.

The notice stated that at 8:30 PM on September 22nd 2008, an earthquake with its center located off the coast of south of Myanmar was recorded. The epicenter at Latitude 15.7 degrees North and Longtitude 96.3n degrees East shook with a magnitude of 5.5 on the Richter scale.

The event, which took place some 500 kilometers Northwest from Bangkok was felt in several high rise buildings.

Source : National News Bureau, Public Relations Department of Thailand

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MYANMAR  Church Helps Cyclone Farmers, But Salty Soil, Pests Hamper Rice Crop
September 17, 2008  |  MY05767.1515  |  517 words 

LEIEINTAN, Myanmar (UCAN) -- For Aung Naing, this year's rice-planting season has been frustrating.

The 60-year-old Baptist farmer in the Irrawaddy River delta region, has tried to plant rice four times since June, during the normal rainy planting season, but nothing has sprouted.

The village 120 kilometers southwest of Yangon is a shadow of its former self. Cyclone Nargis' fierce winds on May 2 destroyed its houses and flattened palm trees in a swath of destruction reaching from the delta coast to Yangon. Most of the buffaloes people used for plowing are gone or remain as bloated corpses in the fields or rivers.

Now, though, an invisible effect of the cyclone that killed more than 100,000 people continues to make it hard for many survivors to resume their former life. The sea is a three-hour boat ride from Leieintan, yet the wall of seawater Nargis drove inland inundated the village.

"We have faced many difficulties in doing farm work, and because of bad weather, insects and salty water, we can't cultivate our crop well during this rainy season," Aung Naing said.

In terms of emergency supplies, the Catholic Church has distributed rice and tarpaulins to the 1,600 Baptist, Buddhist and Catholic villagers, and World Vision, an international Christian NGO, has supplied rice, cooking oil and beans. Intent on helping the farmers restart their agricultural livelihood, the Catholic Church also provided the village a power tiller and rice seeds.

Nonetheless, Naing fears they will make no money out of this year's paddy crop. But he will try again to sow the seeds, saying he cannot grow anything except rice. "Nobody wants to live on handouts," he said.

Hla Htun, a Buddhist and village leader, fears a crisis could be looming. "Despite many difficulties, we continue to struggle for our living, with some working on their farms and some going out fishing in ponds and rivers," he reported. Like Naing, he said local farms "cannot be used for other crops, only rice."

The saltiness of the soil is lessening with time and the monsoon rains, but time is a critical factor.

Kyaw Myo Oo, another Buddhist village leader who spoke with UCA News, explained that they need to sow the seeds at the right time in order to avoid another hazard -- crabs. "If we sow when the crabs are big enough to destroy the seeds, we will not get any paddy plants from the farm."

Meanwhile, fertilizer, which would boost the soil's ability to support the plants, is in short supply. According to Pan Oo, a Catholic villager, "We have tried sowing the paddy seeds three times, but they are not growing because of lack of fertilizer."

In order to earn their living, Naing said, the farmers in his village need to "do something, at least some farm work," even though he admits this brings them little profit. With the rice seeds having difficulty sprouting, he and his fellow villagers face worrying times ahead, he concluded.

According to United Nations and government reports, Nargis killed 84,537 people with another 53,836 missing and presumed dead. They estimate 2.4 million people were severely affected.

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RP drops further in corruption perceptions survey
BusinessWorld Online
Wednesday, September 24, 2008 | MANILA, PHILIPPINES
BY ALEXIS DOUGLAS B. ROMERO, Reporter

THE Philippines has fallen further in a global survey ranking countries in terms of perceived corruption, dropping to 141st, down 10 places from last year, among 180 countries surveyed by Transparency International.

The country scored a 2.3 in the Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI), lower than last year’s 2.5, on a scale where 10 is the highest possible grade.

Malacañang said it was "disturbed" by the results, but insisted that the government had made progress in fighting corruption.

"This is definitely disturbing news but we have been working to curb corruption," Deputy Presidential Spokesman Lorelei C. Fajardo told BusinessWorld.

"We have made great progress in gaining the trust and respect of the international community. We should not let this deter us but instead challenge us..."

Compared to its neighbors, the Philippines scored lower than Singapore (9.2), Malaysia (5.1), Thailand (3.5), Vietnam (2.7), and Indonesia (2.6). It did better, however, than Timor Leste (2.2), Laos (2.0), Cambodia (1.8), and Myanmar (1.3).

Singapore ranked 4th while Malaysia was 47th. Thailand and Vietnam ranked 80th and 121st, respectively while Indonesia was 126th. Myanmar, which had one of the lowest scores, ranked 178th.

"Overall, corruption and lack of transparency, particularly in political financing, clearly remain serious challenges across the [Asia Pacific] region," Transparency International said.

It noted that out of 32 countries and territories in the region included in the CPI, 22 scored below five, indicating a serious corruption problem in the public sector.

The CPI measures perceived levels of public-sector corruption in a given country and is a composite index, drawing on different expert and business surveys. The 2008 CPI ranked 180 countries, the same number as in 2007, on a scale from zero ("highly corrupt") to ten ("highly clean").

Corruption was defined by Transparency International as "the abuse of public office for private gain".

The surveys used in compiling the CPI ask questions relating to the misuse of public power for private benefit including bribery of public officials, kickbacks in public procurement, embezzlement of public funds or questions that probe the strength and effectiveness of anti-corruption efforts.

Topping this year’s list as the most corruption-free country was Denmark, New Zealand and Sweden which shared the highest score of 9.3, followed by Singapore at 9.2, and Finland and Switzerland, both with a score of 9.0.

Countries with the lowest scores were Somalia at 1.0, followed by Iraq and Myanmar at 1.3 and Haiti at 1.4.

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Ashin Gambira unwell in court  
Mizzima News - Tuesday, 23 September 2008 15:54

Chiang Mai – Ashin Gambira, facing trial, felt unwell during his last appearance in court, his defence counsel U Khin Maung Shein said.

Leader of last September's Saffron Revolution, Ashin Gambira was not feeling well when he was produced in court on Monday morning.

"I think it is food poisoning because he vomited three times this morning. 'I feel sorry for you because of the stink coming out of my mouth'," his defence lawyer quoted him as saying.

He was weak, exhausted and half asleep with his eyes closed during the court proceedings.

"He inhaled balm brought to him by his younger sisters. They applied balm on his hands and legs and massaged him," the lawyer said.

"He could not say why he felt unwell. He said he thought it was food poisoning," the lawyer added.

He was forcibly disrobed when he was arrested and brought to court in handcuffs. He has been charged under section 13(1) of the Immigration Act, section 17(1) of the Unlawful Associations Act, section 6 of the Associations Act, section 505(b) of the Penal Code (inducing crime against public tranquility) and 295, 145, 147 of the Penal Code (insult to the religion, unlawful assembly), section 17/20 of the Printers and Publishers Act and section 33(a)/38 of the Electronic Law.

Ashin Gambira, the leader of the Saffron Revolution, was awarded the 'U Yewata Memorial Peace Prize' by 'All Burma Young Monks Association' (ABYMU-India) and 'Freedom of Expression Prize 2008' by the London based 'Index on Censorship'.

On the same day, 21 members of the 88 Generation Students, including student leader Ko Min Ko Naing, were produced in court. The lawyer said that the health situation of the 21 student leaders was good and their family members were allowed to be present inside the courtroom to witness the court proceedings.

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Leaked Document Reveals Burma’s US Policy
The Irrawaddy - By WAI MOE
Tuesday, September 23, 2008

Burma’s military leaders know they cannot stand alone in the world, but will react according to each situation with a view to balancing their relations with the world’s superpowers, said Home Affairs Minister Maj-Gen Maung Oo at a meeting of his ministers in July.

According to a confidential document acquired recently by The Irrawaddy detailing the minutes of a July 6 meeting, Home Ministry officials were briefed on relations with the United States, China and Indonesia, as well as the junta’s policy toward the 2010 elections, the National League for Democracy (NLD) and how the junta would react to future demonstrations.

According to the leaked minutes of the meeting, Maj-Gen Maung Oo told Home Ministry officials that in reaction to the global influence of the US and the West, Burma would continue to pursue “strong relations” with China, but that didn't mean that the junta was pro-Beijing. “In the modern world, we cannot stand alone,” Maung Oo reportedly said.

The leaked document also revealed that the regime plans to deploy riot police in the event of future protests or civil unrest.

“The international community criticized us for using the armed forces to crack down on [last September’s] demonstrators,” the home minister is quoted as saying. “Therefore we need to reorganize our riot police.”

He also warned officials to be prepared for the coming elections in 2010.

On foreign policy, Maung Oo criticized the US for “using humanitarian issues and democracy as a policy to overthrow governments that it disliked.”

Maung Oo slammed the US for using the UN and the “Responsibility to Protect” paradigm as part of an agenda to accuse the Burmese government of “Crimes against Humanity.” He also said the UN and associate international nongovernmental organizations (INGOs) were “puppets” of the US and the CIA.

According to the minutes of the meeting, Maung Oo forewarned his subordinates of the possibility of a third UN Security Council resolution on Burma and subsequent economic sanctions and an embargo.

“In the event of a third presidential statement,” Maung Oo said. “There could be a resolution that the 192 members of the UN will have to follow—led by the US.”

According to the 14-page document, Maung Oo went on to accuse the US, the UN and INGOs of pushing Burma to the top of their agendas. On the Cyclone Nargis disaster, the home minister accused US relief items of providing aid to the victims “just for show” and said the US only delivered drinking water, instant noodles and medicine.

The minister is reported to have accused international aid agencies of spending humanitarian aid money on themselves and not on the cyclone victims.

“We told them to send construction materials instead of instant food,” Maung Oo continued. “But nobody did.”

He also expressed the regime's skepticism and resentment that aid was not delivered through government channels, so the authorities could not see what was being delivered.

Regarding the US naval ships’ inability to deliver aid to cyclone survivors in the Irrawaddy delta, Maung Oo is reported as saying that the Burmese junta denied the request because the regime believed the US military would find an excuse not to leave until after the 2010 elections.

He also pointed out that although the Burmese government calculated that about US $11.7 billion was needed in relief after Cyclone Nargis, the Tripartite Core Group—comprising the UN, Asean and the Burmese regime—only approved about $0.9 billion in aid, which was 12 times the difference of the junta’s calculations.

The ministry’s minutes of the July 6 meeting also make reference to the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD). Maung Oo reportedly said the regime was “not scared” of the opposition winning the election, but said that they would have to be careful because the party was backed by the US, British and French embassies.

According to the leaked document, the home minister also referred to the diplomatic standoff between Burma and Indonesia. He reportedly confirmed that there were currently no relations between the two countries at an ambassadorial level and that the first step was for the Indonesian parliament to endorse Burma's ambassador to Jakarta.

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Taking a Deep Breath
The Irrawaddy - Monday, September 22, 2008
The Irrawaddy recently spoke with UN envoy Ibrahim Gambari about his meetings with Aung San Suu Kyi, his disappointments and his hopes for the future of Burma.

Question: Several UN special envoys to Burma have come and gone over the past 20 years, each time leaving the country empty-handed. What is your take on that?

Answer: Well, I can only speak for my own role. I took on this assignment in May 2006 as Under Secretary General for Political Affairs, but I was not designated as special advisor on Myanmar [Burma] until May last year. So my own engagement is rather more recent.

It has had its ups and downs. But I think—if one wants to be fair—one has to see that before I came, for two and half years, no special envoy of the UN was even allowed in the country.

I am probably the only foreigner to be allowed to meet Aung San Suu Kyi, which I have done on seven occasions. I think it is also fair to say that we have therefore opened a high-level engagement between the UN and the authorities in Myanmar.

They can't claim that they are not hearing the message of the international community, because we have been saying this directly and indirectly. Directly to them and through my reporting to them through the General Assembly President, the Group of Friends and the Security Council at their request.

It is also fair to say that in the aftermath of the crisis—in September and October—we managed to establish the commencement of dialogue, between the government and Aung San Suu Kyi. It is regrettable that that high promise has not been realized.

Q: So what went wrong between then and now?

A: I believe—from my last conversation with Aung San Suu Kyi in March—that she posed a number of questions through the minister [Aung Kyi] to the authorities and did not get answers.

Sometimes, she didn’t get the answer fast enough because, she believes, the level of the interlocutor was not high enough.

We—the United Nations, the Good Offices Role of the Secretary-General— supports the request that this dialogue should be resumed and should not be broken up even when there are disagreements, and that the government should consider raising the level of the interlocutor on their side so that there would be prompt responses to her questions.

Q: When you went to Burma last time, Suu Kyi refused to meet you. Why?

A: To be honest with you, I do not know.

What I can say for sure [is that] I have met her seven times now since May 2006 and each time she always emphasized this: the central role the UN is promoting dialogue between her and the government and is bridging an all-inclusive process of national reconciliation.

Secondly, she has often expressed disappointment on the couple of occasions I have been in Myanmar that I have not been received at the highest level of the government. So it was quite a surprise to me and a disappointment, frankly, because each time I have met her, I am able to report her views to the UN.

Since so many things had happened since I last met her in March—the referendum, the cyclone, the constitution— I would have very much liked to hear her views on all these issues and report them faithfully to those who are interested.

And, I do often pass on her views to the authorities and her position to engage in time-bound substantive dialogue.

Q: What is your sense on why she did it?

A: There are all kinds of speculation. One is that she is frustrated. She wanted to show her frustration with her continued detention and her frustration with the slow pace of the political process.

I think she may have had a point.

Q: During your last visit, was the military junta the only channel of communication between you and Suu Kyi?

A: Yes. I tell the government beforehand who I would like to see and they make the arrangements. Often I do not get what I request, unfortunately.

Q: You are very often accused of becoming a prisoner of the government when you go there. You spend most of your time meeting officials and people who support the
government, and not the opposition leaders.

A: Well, that is not entirely fair. For example, the last time I met with the NLD central executive committee twice. The second meeting was more than an hour. It was very substantive, very productive. And the statement that came out of the NLD was that they were pleased with the meeting.

I also met with the minister in charge of relations with Aung San Suu Kyi and had a good discussion on how to resume dialogue. I wanted to find out what is really responsible for this break in dialogue, and how it can be revived.

I met, of course, with other representatives of civil society—the Red Cross and the Chamber of Commerce, but it is true that most of the people I met were pro-government.

Q: After your last visit, a number of Burmese people and observers said that your mission has failed—your mission had lost steam. Do you think that’s fair?

A: The [UN] Secretary-General, on whose behalf I act, has come out to say that he does not regard the mission as a failure—that it is a process of consultation, of mediation.
But it is also very clear that we are frustrated that no tangible results are coming out of the process. That is what the people of Myanmar want and that is what the international community expects.

I left five issues in the hands of the government:

First: The release of all political prisoners, including Aung San Suu Kyi.

Second: The commencement, without delay, of a substantive time-bound dialogue between the government, Aung San Suu Kyi and others.

Third: to create a climate and enhance the credibility of the process [so that] any future election in the country would be more likely be accepted by the people of Myanmar and the international community.

[Fourth] Then we had the issues of a more broad-based social economic discussion in the country through the creation of a national economic forum.

Fifth: how to regularize the engagement of the Good Offices role of the [UN] Secretary-General and the government. It should be regular and routine, including the possibility of stationing a staff or two of mine in Rangoon to prepare for visits and be liaison persons in between visits.

So, we are waiting for the government [to react] to these points on the table.

Incidentally, when I discussed these points with the central executive committee members of the NLD, they appeared to support all except the election.

I must use this opportunity to say one very important point: people criticize the Good Offices role as, in effect, blessing the government's “Road Map.”

I want to clarify that the road map is the government's road map. The opposition has reservations and the international community has its own views.

It was made very clear that we want an all-inclusive national reconciliation process; a dialogue that [would address] the real concerns of the people; the discussion of social economic issues; and how to achieve a democratic, peaceful united and prosperous Myanmar with full respect for the human rights of its people.

Q: Now there seems to be a deadlock. How do you plan to address it?

A: I prefer to use the word “challenges.” one is how to get the government to respond positively to the five points that we raised during our last visit.

The second is how to get Aung San Suu Kyi and the NLD back to the political process fully;

The third challenge is how to bridge the gap between some key members of the international community.
 
Q: How do you propose to address those challenges?

A: First, the [UN] secretary-general convened a meeting of his “Group of Friends on Myanmar” and he chaired the meeting for two hours last Friday. He plans to have another meeting of the Group of Friends at a ministerial level.

The UN can only be effective and strong if the members want it. So, we need the help of those who have influence on all sides, so that these gaps that are mentioned—these three challenges—can be met.

Also, the [UN] secretary-general has indicated that we have to take a deep breath and rethink, reprioritize our strategy and our point of engagement with the authorities. We can't abandon the people of Myanmar.

Third, the [UN] secretary-general has encouraged Indonesia's initiative to have a small group of some countries who are closest neighbors to Myanmar and who have some [experience] of transition from a military to a democratic regime, and to whom the [Burmese] authorities are more likely to listen to, including China and, we hope, India.

Q: Is that going to be at a Head of the State level?

A: No, I don’t think so; but hopefully at a ministerial level. I think it is up to the Indonesians to announce that.
 
Q: So now, you would like to pause for a couple of months?

A: Not necessarily. A deep breath, as I said.

Q: When are you next going back to Burma?

A: An invitation has been issued to return. The important thing is not to visit for the sake of it. We need to prepare carefully this time, so that some positive response—a tangible response—to those issues which we left on the table [is forthcoming] .

Q: But the [UN] secretary-general is planning to go there in December?

A: He has said very clearly that he went to Myanmar twice under exceptional special circumstances.

It was a very successful mission. The authorities relaxed some of the restrictions and they saw the value of the international cooperation.

One of the positive outcomes of that cooperation was that the tripartite core group mechanism—Burma, Asean and the UN—is working well in the case of Cyclone Nargis.

That showed the authorities in Myanmar that the international community brings positive results and shows how the spirit of cooperation with Asean and the UN could be extended to political matters.

But the [UN] secretary-general has made it very clear that he would go to Myanmar provided that tangible results come out through the Good Offices role, including through my activities.

Q: So there are a few pre-conditions for his visit?

A: I do not want to make it a pre-condition. But, as I said, this is what we would like to see.

Q: Including the release of Aung San Suu Kyi?

A: Including responding positively to all the five issues which I have put on their table.

Q: The French ambassador said outside the Security Council that the [UN] secretary-general needs to put more pressure on Burma. Do you agree with that?
 
A: We want all those who have influence to exercise this influence in tangible ways on the authorities in Myanmar so that this dialogue will resume without any further delay.

Q: Do you think there is any conflict of interest because you are on the board of the U Thant Institute and, as you know, there is not a good chemistry between the U Thant circle and the Aung San dynasty in Burma?

A:  First of all, I was not aware of those dynamics when I joined the U Thant board.

The U Thant Institute is an NGO. I joined the international advisory board of this NGO when I was a special advisor to the [UN] secretary-general on Africa. The role U Thant played as UN secretary-general in Africa is not often clearly understood.

That was my motivation for joining the U Thant Foundation and it remains valid. I do not see any conflict of interest. If I did, I would reassess my membership of the NGO.

Q: What is your own view on the 2010 elections? 

A: My own view, which is not that of the [UN] secretary-general is that [although] we are mandated under the Good Offices role to extend technical assistance to countries that request them, [we should not wait] until 2010 to create the conditions that would enhance the credibility of the elections.

We want to act now to prevent disunity and divisions later. It is possible therefore that action can be taken—an all-inclusive process, a transparent process, a process that is free and fair and can be implemented between now and 2010.

Q: After your last visit and so much criticism and calls for your resignation, at any point did you think that you would submit your resignation?

A: As a human being, of course you feel discouraged, particularly when somebody's criticism is based on an erroneous report on my position—in this case the road map and the elections.

But it comes with the territory. For example, I have been characterized as too close to the regime. Well, there was a time when the regime thought I was too close to Aung San Suu Kyi and the NLD.

As long as I have the confidence of both sides, and as long as the [UN] secretary-general has confidence in me, I am prepared to continue and engage the challenge. But we need help—it is not a personal thing.

Q: Last question. When you go to Burma, what do you eat—Burmese food or something else?

A: only Burmese food. The people of Myanmar are very good people. They are endowed with very good mineral resources. They used to be a leading country in Asia—their educational system, rice production, agricultural production.

The country produced the first Asian secretary-general. A country like that deserves to move in a direction, which we all want—a peaceful democratic, united country with full respect for the human rights of its people.

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Interview: Engaging with the military regime

Sep 23, 2008 (DVB)–Twenty years after the military coup which ended the 8888 uprising, DVB spoke to three former Burmese army officers about the outlook for the pro-democracy struggle against the military regime.

Major Aung Lin Htut, captain Sai Win Kyaw and lieutenant-colonel Aye Myint discussed the reasons for the coup, why the pro-democracy opposition was unable to take power following the elections and the role of the military in Burma’s future.

Major Aung Lin Htut, who served as the junta’s deputy ambassador in Washington before he sought asylum in the US in 2005, was an intelligence officer at the time of the coup.

Aung Lin Htut: "Before the coup, on the evening of the 16th, military intelligence and groups from the army were all summoned by general Khin Nyunt at about 10pm. On the orders of senior leadership, we were to arrest prominent politicians such as U Nu, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, U Aung Gyi, former members of the 30 Comrades such as Bo Yeh Htut, Thakhin Tin Mya – 33 in all.

“One MI official and two army units in five cars were allocated for the arrests. There were bamboo barriers, jingli and so on in Rangoon at that time, and people were carrying machetes for security. As the situation was likely to become complicated and there was a possibility of bloodshed if we carried out the arrests, we were ordered to retreat.

When the military trucks parked, civilians shone their torches at the soldiers' faces and pointed jingli and machetes at them. It was very tense. If we had gone in, the problem could have become more complicated. "

By then, some soldiers had already joined protesters. Captain Sai Win Kyaw, who had come to Rangoon with the notorious Brigade 22’s Light Infantry Battalion 208 to crush the demonstrations, was shocked by the army’s treatment of civilians.

Sai Win Kyaw: "At Meilamu pagoda in North Okkalapa, the crowds were marching, waving flags and wearing bandanas, towards the town centre. There were at least 20 or 30 thousand people. The area between the North Okkalapa flyover and Meilamu pagoda was filled with people. The commander of battle zone 4 who was supervising the area, colonel Loon Maung, gave the direct order and the shooting and bloodshed began. When I saw the schoolchildren marching in front die before my very eyes, that incident really touched my heart – to the point where I joined the people in the end."

Lieutenant-colonel Aye Myint, who had just retired from the army when the coup occurred and now lives in Australia, said most soldiers were too caught up in the military structures to rebel.

Aye Myint: "Only one officer, Sai Win Kyaw came from the army. None of the others left. They are promoted when the time comes and looked after and fed; they are wallowing in that and the wait their turn. That's how it happens. Look at it now, when their time comes, they dance to the junta’s tune. The people coming up through the ranks will dance in the same way. It is also the nature of the army; it is tightly controlled at every level with military rules, order and responsibility, they dare not revolt. They know that it is not good. They know it is wrong. But as they want to enjoy life when they get to the top so they wait their turn, and it will keep drifting on like this, my friend."
But Aung Lin Htut said the lack of political structure and direction had made it difficult for soldiers to know what to do.

Aung Lin Htut: "Rather than proclaiming one blood, one voice, one order system, after 8888 they opened strike camps. It is not enough just to open strike camps, there has to be a political strategy. Only a small number [of soldiers] came out to demonstrate; we were thinking: what is the attitude towards the army? At the time, even general Saw Maung himself was not sure who was giving orders to whom, we were in a position where we were not sure whether Dr Maung Maung or U Ne Win was giving the orders.

“As for the opposition, they thought they were winning because the people rose up, we all know that. U Nu, U Aung Gyi, even Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, thought that they had won. In my opinion, all the officers, me included, were waiting to see what the opposition would do. Then, U Nu said that he was the prime minister and the rest criticised him. Even at the time, the oppositions were squabbling for power among themselves. As far as I know, no one made contact with us to take the army by the hand and tell us to work for democracy. There was no one to come and compromise with the army."

Sai Win Kyaw: "Had the senior leaders Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, U Tin Oo, U Nu and U Aung Gyi been decisive at the time and decided to stage a successful and controlled coup, the situation of Burma could have changed. And many soldiers would have defected and joined the people decisively. But the path chosen by our senior leaders was to make political demands using non-violent, gentle means. In the end, the army used violence to gain power and the situation became more complicated and drawn out.

“In my view, I have seen no change of opinion from the army. They are preparing for the last stage. And the way they prepare is different from ours. The path most of us opposition groups, pro-democracy groups are following is calling for pressure from the international community. Within the country, people are encouraged to stage a big uprising of people and monks like the 2007 Saffron revolution. But as for the SPDC, since the 8888 coup it has been preparing for this day. I am not talking about the strength of the army because I was a soldier. The main problem of Burma is [military] might. We especially need to focus again on armed struggle."

DVB: Is this approach pragmatic in Burma today? Is focusing on dialogue a more practical alternative? How successful has this been in the past 20 years?

Aye Myint: "The SLORC/SPDC has been appropriating power for 20 years. [These questions] are asked because people want to know when power will be transferred, I think. My view is that it won’t just be 20 years, they won't hand over power within 40 years or 60 years. Than Shwe will take that power to the next life. Therefore, stop hoping – you won't get power through discussion or pleading. You will only get it when you seize it back. Try to seize it back, that's the only way. Whether you have the strength or not is not the issue. You can only regain that power by responding in kind, that's what I believe. Try to take it, that's it. There is no other way."

DVB: But who is going to carry out this armed struggle, when people like Aye Myint, who used to train student fighters, are now living in other countries far from Burma? Who is going to fight and how?

Sai Win Kyaw: "In our situation, the political line is not clear. Some people want to take help from western groups while other groups don't want to. We have a mishmash of ideas. What I would advise is this: people who want to get western help should do it. Currently all help is in the form of humanitarian assistance through the NGOs. There is no direct help from governments. In this situation, we should be trying to get robust help from governments. There are many reasons why the armed struggle has not been successful after 20 years. The main one is that we do not get effective help.

“The reason for that depends very much on our policies and the path we walk. And it also depends very much on our talent. As I said before, the rebel is not behaving like a rebel. They are stuck in front of computers and laptops and cell phones. We are acting as if we are researchers or experts. Moreover, some people became experts from the lives of students and returned to Burma. The SPDC is doing its job. It is our people who are not stable. Our people are going about it in the wrong way. What I want to say is that if we are rebels, we should do the work of rebels properly. If we are undecided and uncertain, we are likely to remain on the receiving end. That is not a problem for us as we are living in 'bullet-free areas' [outside Burma]. The people who will certainly suffer are the people of Burma, for years. We don't want the people of Burma to bear the consequences of the wrong policies for years.

Aung Lin Htut: "Based on my experience, my view is that general Than Shwe can't bear pressure. Although there is some pressure, we are not in a position to use it effectively. I have said before that general Than Shwe needs sticks, not carrots. When there is effective pressure; from everyone, including the UN and the international community, all at the same time […], his trump card will be to release Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and a few political prisoners for show.

“As soon as they are released, the international pressure will be reduced. As for Burmese politics, [the generals] know very well that nothing can be done without Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. So when Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is free, if there is systematic support from people inside and outside, they will inevitably have to hold a dialogue. Even here, I want to talk about the role of the army. In the army, it is not how people think it is, not all soldiers [are against democracy]. There are many people in the army who want the country to prosper, there are many people who want the country to progress.

“I would say that at least the level below major-general – if the situation favours it, if there is trust – would not hesitate to join hands with pro-democracy people. Therefore, we have to think how we are going to entice soldiers and officers below the rank of major-general.”

Reporting by Htet Aung Kyaw

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