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HEADLINES
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AP - Aung San Suu Kyi's lawyer says she's lost weight
IRIN - MYANMAR: Bureaucratic hurdles plague government cyclone relief
Xinhua - UNICEF stresses addressing issue of water shortage in Myanmar
ReliefWeb - Groundbreaking approach to disaster relief
Bkk Post - UN's Burma envoys have been a complete failure
Mizzima News - Burmese Coalition urges world community to save Aung San Suu Kyi's live
Mizzima News - International media groups urge release of Burmese journalists
The Irrawaddy - Security Beefed up in Burma's Major Cities
DVB News - Solo demonstrator sentenced to 2 years
DVB News - Burmese blogger conference banned

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Aung San Suu Kyi's lawyer says she's lost weight
AP - Tuesday, September 2

YANGON, Myanmar (AP) - Detained Myanmar opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi has lost weight and continues to shun food deliveries, her lawyer said Monday but declined to confirm if she is on a hunger strike.

During a 30-minute meeting at her lakeside compound, Suu Kyi said, “I am well but I have lost some weight,” according to attorney Kyi Win.
“I am tired and I need some rest,” he quoted her as saying.

Asked if Suu Kyi is on a hunger strike, Kyi Win said, “No comment.”

Kyi Win is restricted in what he can say, because officially he is allowed only to perform legal services for Suu Kyi. The military government enforces her house arrest strictly, and has in the past jailed people they accused of smuggling political statements out for her.

Her doctor last saw her on Aug. 17 and said afterward she was well.

The thin 63-year-old Nobel Peace Prize laureate last publicly discussed her weight in 2003, when she weighed 100 pounds (45 kilograms).

Suu Kyi has been held in detention by the ruling military junta for 13 of the past 19 years, most of the time under house arrest, and relies on food delivered by her National League for Democracy party for sustenance.

Supporters of Suu Kyi said last week she had not accepted food delivered to her home since Aug. 15. They said they believed she may be on a hunger strike to protest the government's refusal to hold talks on democratic reforms.

Kyi Win declined to say why Suu Kyi was refusing food deliveries but said she had asked for “certain living conditions to be solved and this has not happened.”

He said some of the living conditions involved granting greater freedom of movement to two female companions who live with her and help take care of the house. They are not allowed to leave the compound.

Rumors of the hunger strike have circulated widely in Yangon, where Suu Kyi's isolation has only increased the mystique that surrounds her.

A similar hunger strike rumor emerged in September 2003, almost four months after Suu Kyi began her latest detention, when she was arrested after her motorcade was attacked by junta supporters in northwestern Myanmar.

At that time, Myanmar's foreign ministry dismissed the rumor and a Red Cross spokesman who met her said Suu Kyi was well and not on hunger strike.

Likewise, stories that she was on hunger strike circulated in 1989 when she was placed under house arrest for the first time, but they proved not to be true.

Myanmar, also known as Burma, has been in a political deadlock since 1990, when Suu Kyi's party overwhelmingly won general elections but was not allowed to take power by the military.

The United Nations has tried with little success to nudge the government toward talks with the opposition. But the junta has not responded to international pressure to embrace national reconciliation following its violent suppression of massive anti-government protests last year.

Suu Kyi canceled meetings with U.N. special envoy Ibrahim Gambari during his six-day visit to Myanmar last month, and he left without seeing her.

Since then, supporters have speculated that she has grown more frustrated with the U.N.'s failure to bring about democratic change in the nation.

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MYANMAR: Bureaucratic hurdles plague government cyclone relief
01 Sep 2008 12:18:41 GMT

KYON CHIN, 1 September 2008 (IRIN) - Nu, a 50-year-old woman from a fishing family, should finally get the boat engine she needs after three arduous visits to the township authorities in Daydaye.

"We were informed by the township authorities who registered the names of all fishing families in our area," she said in Kyon Chin, a village of 1,400 inhabitants about 68km southwest of Yangon, the former Burmese capital.

But the process of getting that motor - vital to restarting her family's livelihood in the wake of Cyclone Nargis - has been complicated.

First, she had to get a letter from the village head attesting that she came from a fishing family which had suffered losses as a result of the storm. Then she needed to get a recent photo of the family head, fill in a complicated application form, and write a letter stating her need for assistance - none of which was free.

"It cost us a lot," Nu said. "We had to pay for everything - from the application form to travelling costs," she said, shaking her head. "Even treating office staff at a teashop cost about 15,000 kyats (around US$12) each time," she complained.

Altogether she spent close to $40 to receive the government assistance, a significant sum in impoverished Myanmar - and potentially enough to feed a family of five for one month in the village, say many.

Stories of bureaucratic hurdles in the aftermath of the disaster, which left nearly 140,000 people dead or missing when it struck on 2 and 3 May, are far from unusual.

"I have no money to travel to town. I can't even afford to apply for the assistance," said Khin Maung Yi, another local fisherman.

Landless, the 55-year-old fisherman has erected a temporary hut on his brother's land, placing his broken boat prominently outside in the hope of help from the local authorities. While he waits, he and his family remain dependent on international food assistance.

According to the recent Post-Nargis Joint Assessment (PONJA) report by the Myanmar government, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the UN, the loss of thousands of small multi-purpose boats will have a serious impact on livelihoods - a prediction now coming true.

Confusion over aid

The government has placed dozens of boats along the Daydaye jetty - part of an earlier plan to build and distribute some 9,000 boats to needy fishermen who will pay for them in instalments - but even that effort is proving less than transparent.

To date, how many boats have been delivered remains unclear, with many fishermen complaining that they do not even know how the instalments will be paid back.

"It's not for us," said Tin Maung, brushing aside the prospects of receiving such a boat. "Only those who are close to the village officials or who could afford to buy them, get them," he said.

Although farmers and fishermen in Kyon Chin have received some assistance (including rice seeds, farm animals, power tillers and fishing resources) not everyone was getting the aid, he said.

Fourteen water buffalos, nine power tillers and five sets of fishing materials are not sufficient for the over 300 needy households in the village - something that has led to quarrels between residents.

"Nobody has told us what assistance we will actually be getting. The village authorities should explain to us exactly how to apply," Tin Maung said.

Yet according to one elderly man who did not wish to be identified and whose relative works with the village authorities, residents were told exactly who was getting what.

"Villagers were informed at a meeting that only those in need of rehabilitation help would be getting assistance. Some people simply did not listen carefully," he said.

Such complaints are common across the cyclone-affected area, prompting many villagers to travel to the nearest towns - including Dadaye, Labutta or Yangon - to try and find out what assistance they might be entitled to, or find private donors who might be able to help.

"I don't have a problem if someone who receives help actually needs it. But I don't think it's fair if a rich man is taking assistance over a poor man," said Tin Maung, hinting of favouritism in the government relief process.

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UNICEF stresses addressing issue of water shortage in Myanmar
www.chinaview. cn  2008-09-01 19:28:51

YANGON, Sept. 1 (Xinhua) -- The United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) stressed on Monday that although children's need are being met four months after a cyclone storm hit Myanmar, the potential threat of water shortage issue should be addressed immediately, warning that the risk of water shortage is looming inthe coming dry season.

"Despite ongoing efforts to pump contaminated water out of the ponds, there is a risk that not all the water ponds can be cleaned and refilled before the beginning of the dry season," said UNICEF in Myanmar in its media release.

Noting that it is crucial to identify high risk areas with potential water shortages now, the release called for working closely with the government community and partner agencies to avoid the probability in the coming months.

According to the release, a total of 1,800 ponds have so far been cleaned with the support of government to communities and the help of aid agencies. Of the 1,800 ponds, 442 were covered by the UNICEF.

It added that in the post-Nargis period, outbreak of major illnesses have been avoided and routine immunization has been re-established with children studying in temporary safe learning spaces.

Myanmar, Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), UN agencies and other partners are working together in the post-Nargis humanitarian efforts with UNICEF leading the cluster for water and sanitation, education, nutrition and children protection cluster.

"Even though the cyclone has caused a tremendous amount of suffering, this is also a chance to build back better and improve the situation of children and families in Myanmar," the release quoted the UNICEF representative Ramesh Shrestha as saying.

According to the release, cyclone Nargis destroyed or damaged over 4,000 schools and more than 600 health facilities and separated hundreds of young children from their parents and close relatives.

Deadly tropical cyclone Nargis hit five divisions and states - Ayeyawaddy, Yangon, Bago, Mon and Kayin on last May 2 and 3, of which Ayeyawaddy and Yangon inflicted the heaviest casualties and massive infrastructural damage.

The storm killed 84,537 people, leaving 53,836 missing and 19,359 injured, according to official sources.

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ReliefWeb - Groundbreaking approach to disaster relief
Source: World Health Organization (WHO)
Date: 01 Sep 2008

The humanitarian response to Cyclone Nargis, which struck Myanmar on 2 and 3 May, heralds a fundamentally new approach to relief coordination. As a result, a unique survey showed what really happened to the survivors. Sarah Cumberland reports.

Dr Rudi Coninx had just finished training on coordinating emergency relief efforts when he was summoned by WHO Director-General Dr Margaret Chan to join her at a teleconference. A devastating cyclone had just struck Myanmar. More than two million people were believed to be affected across the Ayeyarwady delta and Yangon regions.

"I was the only one from WHO headquarters in Geneva who could go because I happened to have a current visa," says Coninx, who was despatched to Myanmar the following day to coordinate health relief in the stricken region.

"Technical and administrative units in the south-east Asia office of WHO worked almost round the clock, drawing experience from the tsunami," says Dr Poonam Khetrapal Singh, deputy regional director for WHO Regional Office for South–East Asia (SEARO).

Meanwhile, staff from the World Health Organization (WHO) Country Office in Myanmar were already putting a new system into action with other United Nations (UN) agencies and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) that were present. First, WHO convened the agencies providing health relief – known as the "health cluster" – to assess the situation and decide which health interventions were needed to prevent death and disease.

The "cluster" approach – the idea that a group of relevant UN agencies and others coordinate specific areas in an emergency response – is the result of recent UN reforms.

"The tsunami of 2004 made clear the need for a coordinated approach that is predictable, accountable to donors and doesn't duplicate the efforts of different organizations, " says Coninx.

WHO co-chaired the Myanmar health cluster with United Kingdom-based charity Merlin. "This relationship was extremely beneficial as it allowed for the sharing of staff, technical and strategic expertise and the administrative burden," says Yves-Kim Creac'h, head of Merlin's Emergency Response Team.

Unlike previous humanitarian responses by multiple agencies, the cluster approach meant that all UN agencies and partners, such as Save the Children and World Vision, worked together to share information and resources with agreed common goals.

"When I visited Aceh after the tsunami, there were about 300 NGOs but coordination was an issue," says Poonam Singh. "A lot of supplies were delivered that weren't needed and there was a huge logistics overlap. This time there was a platform to bring everyone together as a combined effort.

"Coninx adds: "In Myanmar, when an aeroplane landed with medical supplies, we could make it known among the [members of the health] cluster what was available and allocate resources to underserved areas." As the extent of the disaster and the health needs of the people in the stricken region became clear, the collaborative effort gathered momentum. Each week more organizations joined the cluster voluntarily, until more than 40 partners were meeting twice a week to pursue a single plan of action.

When responding to disasters, it is vital to have reliable information on the health needs of the survivors. "The first thing that needs to be done to provide relief is to find out what is really happening," says Coninx. As with many disasters, an early warning system for epidemics was needed in Myanmar.

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UN's Burma envoys have been a complete failure
Bangkok Post - Monday September 01, 2008
AUNG ZAW

UN special envoys to Burma have come and gone over the past 20 years, each time leaving the country empty-handed.

There have been eight of them, starting with Japanese diplomat Sadako Ogata, who was appointed in 1990 as an independent expert of the UN Commission on Human Rights, and ending now with the secretary-general' s personal envoy Ibrahim Gambari.

At least one, the Malaysian diplomat Razali Ismail, quit in sheer frustration over the problems of dealing with an uncooperative and obstructionist regime. Now there are calls for Mr Gambari to give up his job after the total failure of his latest mission to Burma.

To be fair, the UN has done its best. But, as in life itself, sometimes ”best” is not enough.

The UN envoys all met Burma's political stakeholders _ the regime's decision makers and their supporters; opposition members and respected ethnic leaders. But to no avail.
Burma remains a diplomatic graveyard, which now maybe awaits its latest incumbent _ Mr Gambari.

Despite UN attempts to put a gloss on Mr Gambari's latest mission, the plain fact is that it was a complete waste of time and energy _ not to mention the cost of such failed ventures that has accrued over the past 20 years.

UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon's deputy spokeswoman, Marie Okabe, denied the mission had failed. Mr Gambari's mission to Burma was a ”process, not an event”, she said.

”Process” was the description used by Mr Gambari in an interview with The Irrawaddy early this year.

There's no denying that it is a process. But a process also demands progress and a discernible forward movement that inspires confidence and trust. Mr Gambari's mission can, in no way, be described in those terms. It's a failed process, which could lead to disaster.

Some observers found comfort in Mr Gambari's meetings with Prime Minister Thein Sein, Thai Prime Minister Samak Sundaravej and Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.

But the Burmese people and the international community want to hear honest statements from the UN and Mr Gambari, instead of attempts to defend a failed mission. Mr Gambari and Mr Ban need urgently to take action on Burma's political deadlock.

Interestingly, detained democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi appeared to refuse a meeting with Mr Gambari during his latest visit to Rangoon, the first time she has snubbed him. The reason isn't known and observers are asking themselves whether the snub was a sign of frustration or a political manoeuvre.

There was even a suggestion that Mrs Suu Kyi could be on a hunger strike after her National League for Democracy colleagues said she had instructed them to stop deliveries of food and supplies to her home. This is a situation that must be monitored closely.

Mrs Suu Kyi is a prisoner of the regime, which has detained her in her own home for 13 of the past 19 years. Her detention was recently extended _ unlawfully, according to her lawyer.

If the regime follows the letter of the law, it should lift restrictions on Mrs Suu Kyi's movements if it sanctions a meeting with Mr Gambari or whomever else at a government location, for a photo op or whatever other reason.

Mr Gambari could ask for a meeting at Mrs Suu Kyi's house, as Mr Razali accomplished. The meeting would then be in the nature of a prison visit, as undertaken by UN human rights investigators in Burma. A free and frank discussion could then be held with Mrs Suu Kyi.

Mrs Suu Kyi's apparent refusal to meet Mr Gambari could, therefore, be the expression of a wish to meet him and other envoys, as well as opposition colleagues and family members, at her home.

Diplomats and visiting UN officials were allowed access to her home during previous periods of detention. US Congressman Bill Richardson paid a personal visit in 1993, for instance.

Mr Gambari's predecessor, Mr Razali, always managed to meet Mrs Suu Kyi, other opposition politicians and ethnic representatives, after carefully doing his homework.

Unlike Mr Gambari, Mr Razali did not follow the regime's schedule faithfully. Diplomats and Burma watchers say that whatever advice and guidelines they provided to Mr Gambari have rarely been followed.

During his last visit, Mr Gambari blundered by meeting several pro-regime political groups and leaving little time for the NLD and ethnic leaders, creating increased friction among the Burmese and distrust toward his mission.

The blunder has prompted observers within and outside Burma to charge the Nigerian diplomat doesn't do his homework and fails even to understand the basics of how to deal with Burma's political complexity. Or were his actions deliberate?

In previous visits, Mr Gambari was virtually a prisoner of the regime, which kept him isolated in Naypyidaw, subject to an official itinerary that even included attendance at a rally in Shan State denouncing last September's pro-democracy uprising.

Some dissidents and opposition members in Burma are starting to suspect the UN and Mr Gambari are pushing for the 2010 election with or without the participation of relevant political parties, including Mrs Suu Kyi's NLD.

That won't win the UN envoy the regime's trust and confidence, however. The regime doesn't listen to Mr Gambari.

Early this year, after visiting China and meeting Chinese foreign ministry officials, Mr Gambari said the junta's proposal for a May referendum on a constitution written under military guidance and for general elections in 2010 was a significant step forward.

”This is a significant step as it marks the first time that we have an established time frame for the implementation of its political road map,” Mr Gambari said.

He then called for the creation of ”an atmosphere conducive to credible elections”, adding this must include the release of political prisoners and relaxation of restrictions on Mrs Suu Kyi. The opposite has happened, however.

The regime forced the people to vote in the May referendum and tightened its reign of terror. There has been no relaxation of restrictions on Mrs Suu Kyi and the prisons admitted a new flow of political prisoners, including monks.

In my meeting with Mr Gambari in Quebec, Canada, early this year, I discovered that he is sensitive to criticism and negative media coverage about his mission to Burma. I also found out that he was quite clever at defending his mission, winning praise from some Canadian foreign ministry officials.

Despite these shows of diplomatic support for Mr Gambari's efforts, there's no denying that his mission has lost steam and a new start is required.

The Burmese opposition and pro-democracy forces have virtually no more confidence in Mr Gambari and the UN, which have been snubbed and exploited at will by the regime.

Things have reached such a pass in Burma, in fact, that the name of the UN is in danger of falling into nearly as much disrepute as Than Shwe's.

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Burmese Coalition urges world community to save Aung San Suu Kyi's live
Mizzima News - Solomon
Monday, 01 September 2008 23:57

New Delhi - A coalition of Burmese civic organizations across the world has expressed concern over the news of hunger strike by detained pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi, and has call on international communities to immediately intervene to save her life.

National Campaign for Food and Freedom, a coalition formed with 28 Burmese organizations, on Thursday said the health of the 63 years old, Burmese democracy icon, could be grave danger, following the news of her refusal to accept food supply.

"Her health is in terrible danger if in fact she has been on a hunger strike for two weeks," the coalition said in their statement.

Dr. Raymond Tint Way, spokesman of Australia-based Concerned Burmese Physicians and Professionals (CBPP), a member group of the coalition said, they are calling on the international community to exert strong pressure on the Burmese regime on their actions against Aung San Suu Kyi.

"She as the leader of the country has been suffering under the injustice practices of the junta and the international communities should not watch silently," Tint Way said.

Last week, following the UN special envoy Ibrahim Gambari's visit to the country, Burmese people as well as the international community was shocked by the news that detained Nobel Peace Laureate had refused to accept her regular weekly food supplies.

While her party spokesperson said he cannot confirm the information due to lack of communication, the exiled wing of her party – National League for Democracy/Liberated Area – said she last receive her food supply on August 15.

"We believe she is into hunger strike protest, so we are worried over her health if she should continue," he added.

But the information was merely rebuffed by the military government, saying it was purely rumors.

But on Monday, Nyan Win said, Aung San Suu Kyi was allowed another rare meeting with her Lawyer Kyi Win, who then said her health condition was fine but she needed rest.

Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been detained for the past 12 of 18 years, was allowed a meeting with her lawyer as well as her family physician in August.

"We want the regime to allow physicians, visitors and diplomats and members of her party, National League for Democracy to see her," Dr Raymond said.

The NCFF said in urging the international community to immediately intervene, it is all set to hold protest rallies in major cities around the world.

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International media groups urge release of Burmese journalists
Mizzima News - Nem Davies
Monday, 01 September 2008 21:46

New Delhi- Twenty two international media groups have urged the UN body and ASEAN to adopt a harsher stance against the Burmese junta for the immediate release of Burmese journalists, artists and dissidents who are languishing in jails.

The Burma action group, comprising 22 members and partners of the International Freedom of Expression Exchange (IFEX) including SEAPA, released a statement on Friday and sent its joint appeal addressed to United Nation Secretary General H.E Ban Ki Moon, ASEAN Secretary General Surin Pitsuwan and UN Human Rights Rapporteur for Burma, Tomas Ojea Quintana.

"The UN and ASEAN must adopt a harder stance against the Burmese junta, demanding the unconditional release of all political prisoners for starters, and more direct access to Burmese communities suffering under the military dispensation, " said Roby Alampay, Executive Director of Bangkok based South East Asian Press Alliance.

The appeal was aimed to draw attention of the international community and the neighbouring countries of Burma and to shame the junta.

"The target of the statement is actually the international community and the neighbours of Burma. The junta has a thick skin, and few have delusions that they can be reasoned with. But the international and regional communities must themselves be shamed into doing more to free the people of Burma," said Roby Alampay.

The group urged the release of arrested Journalist Zaw Thet Htwe and the influential comedian-activist Zarganar. They were arrested in June when they were helping in relief efforts for Cyclone Nargis victims, which lashed Burma on 2 and 3 May 2008.

Along with Zarganar and Zaw Thet Htwe, seven other activists and dissidents were charged with a range of offences.

"All charges against them must also be dropped," the statement said.

Both Zaw Thet Htwe and Zarganar were arrested in June and Zarganar was charged with at least seven legal counts, which were Injuring or Defiling Place of Worship with Intent to Insult Religion", violating the Unlawful Associations Act and allegedly breaching Burma's Video Act and Sections of the Electronics Act.

And Zaw Thet Htwe was accused of "Inducing Crimes Against Public
Tranquility", "Injuring or Defiling Place of Worship with Intent to Insult Religion", and violating the Unlawful Associations Act.

Mizzima News Agency is a member of Burma action group

Soe Myint, Editor-in-chief of Mizzima said that, junta is violating its own law.

"There is no rule of law in Burma and it is the regime which violates its own promulgated laws, orders for protecting themselves," Soe Myint said.

"So whatever Zaw Thet Htwe and Zarganar were charged with are unlawful in the eyes of international laws and Universal Declaration of Human Rights to which a soverign Burma is a part of," he added.

Press freedom in Burma has worsened after the September saffron revolution, and authorities have been tightening its grip on local media in Burma and there are more attacks against the independent media outlets in exile.

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Security Beefed up in Burma's Major Cities
The Irrawaddy - By SAW YAN NAING
Monday, September 1, 2008

Burmese authorities have increased security in Rangoon and other cities that were at the center of last year’s Buddhist monk-led protests, according local residents.

Residents claimed that security has been stepped up due to fears of a repeat of last year’s protests against the military government, which erupted one year ago this month. Sources said that the increased security may be deployed until the end of the month.

Other major locations where security forces have been increased are Burma’s second-largest city, Mandalay; Sittwe Township in Arakan state; Pegu Division; and Pakokku Township in Magwe Division.

“Security forces are now deployed all over Rangoon,” said one resident of the former capital. “The authorities are using more forces than we have ever seen before.”

A senior monk at Bawdi Mandine Monastery in Pakokku Township said that security forces were often seen patrolling downtown and some plainclothes security guards were deployed in public areas and around local monasteries, including his monastery.

“They are worried about the possibility of protests this month because of the protests that happened in September last year. So they are preparing in advance,” said the monk.
“We think that they will deploy the security guards until the end of September.”

Pakokku Township was the scene of the first crackdown on protesting Buddhist monks last year. Burmese troops tied monks to utility poles and beat them with the butts of their rifles, sparking outrage that spread to other cities.

Pyinya Zawta, an exiled leader of the underground All Burma Monks Alliance, said that security forces, including members of the Union Solidarity and Development Association, have been deployed in local monasteries and public areas such as markets.

Speaking from the Thai border town of Mae Sot, he said that he had received reports that security has been especially tight around Mandalay’s New Masoeyein Monastery for the past three days.

As part of a brutal crackdown, the authorities raided more than 130 monasteries in Mandalay alone, forcibly defrocking and imprisoning monks. Tens of thousands of peaceful protesters were detained throughout the country, and according to the United Nations, 31 people were killed.

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Solo demonstrator sentenced to 2 years

Sep 1, 2008 (DVB)–Commodity protester U Aye Win, who was arrested for staging a solo demonstration against fuel price hikes in August last year, was sentenced to two years in prison on Friday, according to his colleagues.

U Aye Win was arrested on 24 August 2007 while staging his protest in the Irrawaddy capital Bassein.

He was questioned by local authorities and special police and released on 30 August but was then arrested again in early September.

U Kyaw Ho, a National League for Democracy leader in Bassein, said Aye Win was first charged under sections 505(b) and 143 of the penal code for disturbing public order and unlawful assembly but the second charge was later dropped.

"He was sentenced to two years’ imprisonment under section 505(b) and is now being held in Bassein prison," said Kyaw Ho.

"We offered him legal assistance for his trial but he said he didn't need a lawyer."

Aye Win was arrested and jailed on a previous occasion for staging a protest calling for the release of opposition leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.

NLD spokesperson U Nyan Win, said that the Burmese government was currently stepping up its actions against activists.

"We are seeing a lot of activists being given various prison terms at this time, and we wonder if instructions have been given to local authorities to hand out all these sentences," he said.

Reporting by Htet Aung Kyaw

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Burmese blogger conference banned

Sep 1, 2008 (DVB)–A technical conference for Burmese bloggers due to be held on 31 August in Rangoon was banned by the military authorities at short notice after organisers had already advertised the event.

The conference was organised by the Myanmar Computer Experts Association and was to be held at Rangoon’s International Business Centre, situated on the bank of Inya Lake.

The organisers had arranged for Burmese bloggers and writers such as Thitsani and Kyaw Win to attend the conference and deliver lectures.

A member of staff from the computer association said the government had claimed the theme of the conference was not valid.

“We said that we were going to talk about technical development and they insisted that [blogging] does not have much to do with technology,” he said.

“That’s why it was cancelled – the authorities insisted that it was not relevant.”

A blogger who was due to attend the conference said getting people interested in blogging had the potential to make news and information sharing more accessible.

“We planned to lecture on making the blogging world more effective and interesting,” the blogger said.

“We did it with the intention of sharing ideas about the technical difficulties faced by the participants,” he said.

“Some people know nothing about blogging. It is not like other media – it is far-reaching and easily sharable.”

In 2007, a technical conference for bloggers held at the International Business Centre was attended by more than 300 people.

The Burmese military regime has made efforts to control blogging since last September’s Saffron Revolution, when bloggers played a key role in getting the latest reports and images out on the demonstrations and the government’s crackdown.

One well-known blogger, Nay Phone Latt, was arrested on 29 January and is still being detained.

Reporting by Htet Yarzar

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