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HEADLINES
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AP - UN raises Myanmar cyclone plea
AFP - Arsenic risk high in Sumatra, Myanmar, Cambodia: study
AFP - Burma Junta Challenges West To Give More Cyclone Aid
IRIN - MYANMAR: Cyclone fishermen await assistance
AlertNet - World Vision calls on donors to 'step up' as appeal for Myanmar Cyclone funding reopens
Bloomberg - Myanmar Journalist Held for 19 Years Must Be Freed, Group Says
World Headlines - Myanmar: Waiting for Aung San Suu Kyi
EARTHtimes.org - ILO slams Myanmar for keeping six 'labour activists' in jail
Bernama - Myanmar National charged with murder of countryman
Merinews - Myanmar, devastated and dejected after Nargis
ReliefWeb - Myanmar: Japan donates US$3 million for post-cyclone roofing
Inner City Press - Myanmar Restrictions on Radios and Currency Exchange Persist, as France Grandstands
Stars and Stripes - Marines reflect on Myanmar relief effort
The Straits Times - Myanmar's people need world's help
Irrawaddy - Haven or Hell
Irrawaddy - Gambari Meets UN General Assembly President
DVB News - Interview: Burma’s declining basic education

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UN raises Myanmar cyclone plea
By JOHN HEILPRIN,Associated Press Writer
AP - Friday, July 11

UNITED NATIONS - The U.N. aid chief called on world governments Thursday to donate $300 million more to help Myanmar to recover from the effects of a cyclone that devastated parts of the Asian nation in May.

"The relief operation is by no means over," said John Holmes, head of U.N. humanitarian operations. "There are many who still remain in need of basic assistance and urgent support."

Holmes said he was launching the appeal after initially requesting $201 million in aid and receiving nearly $180 million in pledges.

But along with the shortfall from that original request, the U.N. says it now needs an additional $280 million for the work of 13 U.N. agencies and 23 non-governmental organizations.

The money is intended to help the 2.4 million people that the U.N. says have been seriously affected by Cyclone Nargis. More than 100 projects are planned to deliver food, shelter, clean drinking water, sanitation, education and other needs.

Despite the relief efforts by international aid workers and Myanmar's government, many areas of the Irrawaddy Delta hit hard by the May 2-3 storm still have not received as much as aid as they requested, Holmes said.

The government's official death toll now stands at 84,537 dead, with 53,836 missing.

Holmes repeated his assertion that international aid efforts were making "significant progress" since U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, traveled to Myanmar to win a pledge from its ruling general, Than Shwe, to free up more access.

Holmes said, however, that half the families in Myanmar have food supplies of only about one day or less and some 60,000 children were at risk of malnutrition. He said the cyclone wiped out 42 percent of the nation's overall food stocks.

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Arsenic risk high in Sumatra, Myanmar, Cambodia: study
AFP - Saturday, July 12

PARIS (AFP) - Eastern Sumatra, the Irrawaddy delta in Myanmar and Cambodia's Tonle Sap lake are among areas in Southeast Asia facing a high risk of arsenic contamination in the water, according to a study published on Friday.

The researchers use innovative digitalised techniques, drawing on geology, geography and soil chemistry, to compile a "probability map" of naturally-occurring arsenic concentrations in five Southeast Asian countries and Bangladesh.

The map is intended as a useful pointer for health watchdogs, urban planners and water engineers worried about concentrations of this poison in groundwater supplies but lacking the funds to carry out wide-scale analysis of water samples.

Published online in the journal Nature Neuroscience, the Swiss-led study combined several methods to compile its probability model.

These included knowledge about sediments whose textures and chemical or bacterial properties could release arsenic from the local ore, thus contaminating aquifers.

Also factored in were areas with flat, low-lying topography. Arsenic contamination is rarely found in places with slopes.

The benchmark for risk was the World Health Organisation (WHO) guideline of 0.01 milligrams of arsenic per litre in drinking water.

The study predicted that in Bangladesh -- which has the worst arsenic contamination in the world -- the risk of water breaching this guideline was highest in the south-centre of the country and in the northeastern Sylhet basin.

This prediction concurred with water samples previously taken and analysed from tube wells in Bangladesh.

High probabilities of arsenic contamination were also seen for the deltas of the Irrawaddy in Myanmar and the Red River in Bangladesh, for the Chao Praya basin in central Thailand and for the organic-rich sediments of the flood plain of Cambodia's Tonle Sap lake.

The computer model said an area of about 100,000 square kilometres (38,600 square miles) on the east coast of Indonesia's main island, Sumatra, was likewise "prone to high risk" of contamination above the WHO benchmark.

This prediction was then borne out by samples taken from a zone in Sumatra deemed to have high-risk and low-risk aquifers.

However, many wells in this area are deep and draw water from below the water-bearing sediments which have the arsenic problem, the study says.

"The prediction map is a useful tool for identification of areas at risk of arsenic contamination, but... understanding the local geology as a function of depth is of vital importance for specific areas," it cautions.
In Bangladesh, tens of millions of people are potentially exposed to arsenic-tainted water, boosting the danger of skin lesions, respiratory illness and cancer.

The risk comes from so-called shallow tube wells which were drilled in the 1970s and 1980s, ironically in a bid to provide rural Bangladeshis with safe water. Millions of these pipes were installed.

The new study is lead-authored by Michael Berg of the Swiss Federal Institute of Aquatic Science and Technology in Duebendorf.

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Burma Junta Challenges West To Give More Cyclone Aid
AFP - Friday, July 11, 2008.

YANGON (AFP) - Myanmar's [Burma's] military government Friday challenged Western donors to give more aid to the cyclone-hit nation, state media reported.

The ruling junta ran an editorial in the official New Light of Myanmar comparing Western nations' military spending with their aid donations.

"Powerful countries have spent hundreds of billions of dollars on the Iraqi and Afghanistan issue. How much will they spend on rehabilitation of the victims to the storm 'Nargis'?" the newspaper editorial said.

The article came a day after the United Nations and aid organisations more than doubled their appeal from an initial 201 million dollars, now 70 percent funded, to 481.8 million dollars.

The revised appeal is to fund remaining relief needs as well as 103 early recovery projects.

Cyclone Nargis left 138,000 dead or missing early May and Myanmar authorities were strongly criticised for blocking emergency aid efforts.

Despite retaining a 400,000-strong army and earning two billion dollars a year in revenue from natural gas supplies, the junta was slow to rally its own supplies to the 2.4 million people severely affected by the storm.

The editorial also claimed journalists had falsely reported the extent of the need in the worst-hit Irrawaddy delta region.

"In practice, make-up and imaginative news stories are contrary to prevailing objective conditions," the paper said.

"And if such a news story has an impact on the goodwill of the donors, that will harm the interests of the storm victims," it added.

Despite seeking further aid, the paper claimed life had returned to normal for cyclone victims, contradicting a joint assessment by the UN and the Southeast Asian bloc ASEAN last month, which reported only 45 percent of survivors were receiving food from international aid agencies.

"Victims no longer need to stay in public rest houses, prayer halls of pagodas, and monasteries en masse ... they are ploughing fields that were flooded with saltwater... . Fishermen are having a good time with new fishing boats and fishing nets... schools are now lively with voices of studies," the paper said.

The military has ruled Myanmar since 1962, refusing to relinquish power to the opposition led by detained Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi which won elections in 1990.

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MYANMAR: Cyclone fishermen await assistance

PYAPON, 11 July 2008 (IRIN) - Ten weeks after Cyclone Nargis hit, only a fraction of the small-scale fishermen – the backbone of the industry - have returned to work in the Ayeyarwady Delta, a labyrinth of rivers, ponds and waterways along the coast of the Adaman Sea.

In addition to damaging coastal fisheries, both large and small, the cyclone devastated fish-processing facilities in the area, exacerbating unemployment and the conditions of Myanmar’s poor, many of whom depend on wage labour to make ends meet.

According to the UN Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), almost 18,000 fishermen lost their lives when the typhoon struck, while another 10,000 are still missing.

“If you multiply this back into households and people affected, you can imagine the order of magnitude,” Albert Lieberg, mission leader for an FAO assessment team that travelled to the delta in June, said.

The government estimates that more than 2,000 fishing boats – both “inshore” and “offshore” - were damaged by Nargis, with a cumulative loss of US$276,000, although others believe the real number to be significantly higher.

In-shore boats are generally smaller wooden canoe-like vessels, often without motors, that stay close to shore, but account for most of the industry’s output, while off-shore boats are generally larger and motorised, and capable of staying at sea for extended periods.

Hla Maung Shwe, deputy chairman of the Myanmar Fisheries Federation, reported that about 55 percent of the fishing industry had been affected, which will likely affect this year’s fish exports – a vital component of the area’s fragile economy.

Last year, Myanmar exported more than 350,000 metric tonnes (MT) of fish to Europe, China, Thailand, Japan and the Middle East.

However, cold-store managers in Yangon, the former Burmese capital, report not receiving any fish to export from the delta over the past month, forcing them to rely on fish being brought in from Rakhine State in the west of the country near Bangladesh instead.

In-shore fishing generally accounts for much of the country’s export trade, local businessmen say. It also affects the most people. But despite their importance to the economy, few of these fishermen have the means to restore their livelihoods.

“In-shore fishermen urgently need fundamental tools [boat and nets] for the sake of their livelihoods and exports,” one local fishery analyst told IRIN. “Our country’s fish-export market largely relies on them.”

Government efforts

Myanmar’s Ministry of Livestock and Fisheries has taken measures, including lifting certain restrictions, allowing fishermen to catch fish freely in otherwise restricted areas from June to August so that fishermen can restore their livelihoods quicker.

In addition, scores of craftsmen from various parts of the country have been hired to build thousands of smaller boats for those fishermen living in the affected areas of Bogale, Labutta, Pyapon, Mawlamyinekyun, Kunchankone, Daedayal and Ngputaw to buy in instalments over the next five years.

The government has also reportedly handed over some boats and nets to local authorities to deliver to needy fishermen.

However, given the scale of the damage, much more is needed, particularly in the more rural parts of the delta where many of the fishermen live and access remains limited, say specialists.

“It all comes down to funding,” said one observer, who believes that the industry, despite its importance, receives little of the domestic and international assistance it needs compared with other sectors, such as health and agriculture.

The FAO has proposed a number of measures, including restoring local boat-building facilities. “Wood is available and should not be a major problem,” FAO’s Lieberg said.

The agency is considering distributing gear and nets, as well as the refurbishment and restocking of facilities in the area.

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AlertNet - World Vision calls on donors to 'step up' as appeal for Myanmar Cyclone funding reopens
11 Jul 2008 03:16:00 GMT
Source: World Vision - Asia Pacific
Ashley Jonathan Clements, Cyclone Nargis Advocacy and Communications Adviser
Website: http://www.wvasiapacific.org

July 11, 2008: The UN Cyclone Nargis Flash Appeal relaunches today in New York, aiming to fill a vast funding shortfall that has left many sectors of the relief response struggling.

World Vision is calling on government donors to come up with significant financial commitments in response to the UN Appeal, so that the immediate and critical needs of those affected by May's disaster can finally be met.

Hesitant donors

Although donors have not yet fully met the UN's initial request for US$201 million, the relaunched Flash Appeal now hopes to raise US$486 million. After two months of appeal, a lack of available funds across agencies threatens to jeopardise the international response.

"Donors have been somewhat hesitant to support the UN Flash Appeal," said World Vision's Cyclone Nargis Response Manager, Judy Moore. "We speculate that this is because of a fear that the aid is not getting through to those that need it. But World Vision can confirm that our relief is reaching those affected."

As a condition of full funding, the international community demanded a comprehensive assessment of the conditions facing those affected by Nargis. In response, a joint assessment was launched with the involvement of the Government of Myanmar, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, the UN, and NGOs.

Six World Vision Myanmar staff were part of the joint assessment team, covering some of the worst-affected areas in Yangon, Labutta, Bogale, and Pathein, as well as providing coordination among the various teams. The Post-Nargis Joint Assessment is due to be released on the 21st of July.

"Now that the conditions laid out by donors have been met," said World Vision's Judy Moore, "it's time that the international community step up and fully fund the response."
Funding short, needs still great

The challenge now, said Moore, was to continue the supply of goods and services to cyclone-affected communities, with many agencies already feeling the pinch from an undersupply of funding.

The World Food Programme's limited funding is in part responsible for the organisation last week cutting by half the number of helicopters in use, threatening to slow the delivery of relief supplies to hard-hit Delta regions.

World Vision's food stocks are also running low as a result of the funding shortfall.

The preliminary findings of the assessment showed that nearly half of all affected households had been receiving food through humanitarian assistance. In all, nearly three quarters of those who survived Cyclone Nargis lack enough food to last more than a week, according to the preliminary findings.

A further 60% of households had poor or no access to clean water. Over 20% of households also suffered from psychological stress. Close to two thirds of houses had been severely damaged in the cyclone.

A long-term worry highlighted by the findings concerns livelihoods. Two thirds of village leaders suggested that there would not be enough seeds for the next planting season, which ends in one month.

But Moore cautioned observers not to jump to conclusions if the UN Appeal is not fully met; "There are other avenues for donors to fund the humanitarian response. NGOs like World Vision have been receiving significant support from governments and private individuals for our emergency response. We hope they are as generous as we seek to move our operations towards supporting the recovery of those affected."

World Vision's emergency response is targeting 338,000 people affected by the cyclone. The main areas of focus for World Vision are on meeting the food needs of 240,000 people and providing safe drinking water for those affected by the cyclone. Also key to World Vision's response are child protection activities, the provision of shelter and household items, and improving the earning potential of those affected.

Up to 2.4 million people were affected by May's tropical cyclone, reports the UN.

Contact Ashley Jonathan Clements in Yangon for interviews on: +95 95 104 369

For more information visit: http://wvasiapacifi c.org

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Myanmar Journalist Held for 19 Years Must Be Freed, Group Says
By Ed Johnson

July 11 (Bloomberg) -- A Myanmar journalist who was detained in 1989 and is the country's longest serving political prisoner is seriously ill and must be freed immediately, an international press freedom group said in a letter to the junta.

“The continued detention of U Win Tin constitutes a deep blemish on the international standing of Myanmar which can only be erased by his release,” the World Association of Newspapers wrote to Senior General Than Shwe, who leads the military government, according to an e-mailed statement yesterday.

U Win Tin, 78, former editor-in-chief of the Hanthawaddy newspaper and a founding member of the opposition National League for Democracy, was jailed 19 years ago for allegedly being a member of the banned Communist Party. He has suffered two heart attacks, has high blood pressure, lung problems, severe asthma, diabetes and a prostate gland disorder, according to the letter, also penned by the World Editors Forum.

Myanmar, formerly known as Burma, has been ruled by the military since 1962 and under international sanctions since the junta overturned 1990 elections won by the NLD. The party's leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, 63, has spent 12 of the past 18 years under house arrest.

U Win Tin is serving a seven-year sentence for sending testimony to the United Nations about human rights violations against political prisoners, according to the statement.

“His detention constitutes a clear breach of his right to freedom of expression, which is guaranteed by numerous international conventions, ” the groups said in the letter. “We respectfully but urgently call on your government to demonstrate strength and compassion by releasing U Win Tin immediately.”

The Paris-based WAN defends and promotes press freedom and represents 18,000 newspapers. The WEF is the organization for editors within the World Association of Newspapers.

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World Headlines - Myanmar: Waiting for Aung San Suu Kyi
By Dennis Guild
Green Left Weekly (radical newspaper)
New South Wales, Australia
July 10, 2008

The last time I saw Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, general secretary of Myanmar's National League for Democracy (N.L.D.), was in 1996.

Aung San Suu Kyi was then under house arrest, but this did not stop her from addressing a crowd of thousands who came regularly to hear her "voice of hope" every Saturday outside her house on University Avenue in Yangoon, formerly Rangoon.

Aung San Suu Kyi looked at ease as she spoke to a crowd that obviously adored her. It was then that I decided to learn more about the N.L.D. and why the ruling junta, which overwhelmingly lost the democratic vote to the Aung San Suu Kyi-led N.L.D. in 1990, had not respected the voice of the people.

I returned to Myanmar, formerly Burma, in 2003, and became mired in the jungle of bureaucracy.

"No, you cannot buy tickets for Bhamo, it is out of bounds for foreigners," the official behind the counter at Myanma Airways declared. "The Lonely Planet says Bhamo is now open, you must sell us a ticket," I insisted.

The official examined the guidebook carefully, showed his superiors, before returning to declare, "I am sorry sir, you must gain a permit from the Ministry of Defense," a 30-kilometer (18.6-mile) taxi trip from the city.

I asked to speak to the manager and minutes later, I am being directed outside the building, along the road and back inside another building, that backs onto the same building I have just left. I sat and patiently waited. Finally, a man dressed in army uniform entered from the street. He asked, "Why do you want to travel to Bhamo?"

"I want to catch the ferry to Mandalay," I replied. "O.K., I will authorize the tickets," he said. As we left, I asked who he was. He said, "U Kyaw Myint, deputy minister for transport."

Disappeared

Bhamo is situated some 50 kilometers (31 miles) from the Chinese border on the banks of the Irrawaddy River in Kachin State. Foreigners are forbidden to travel more than 5 kilometers (3.1 miles) from the city center.

Forbidden, perhaps, because January is poppy season, when the flowers open to reveal an orb that is lanced to extract opium.

A local we spoke to told of people who simply disappeared if they opposed the rule of the junta; their relatives are imprisoned. Similar tales of intimidation were echoed throughout our journey on the road to Mandalay, Bagan, and Taunggyi.

A human rights worker in Mandalay spoke of the daily struggle to buy food. She said a hotel worker was jailed just for dining with Westerners and, on release, forbidden to work in the industry.

An academic in Taunggyi likened Australia's "constructive engagement" with the junta to "watering a poisonous plant." He said Australia was wasting its time and money on a regime that was not committed to political reconciliation. "There will be no improvement in Myanmar without regime change…"

Aung San Suu Kyi seemingly agreed when she referred to the Australian sponsored "human rights program" designed to improve rights for Burmese as "a fox looking after the chickens," as most involved in the program were from the military.

Back in Yangoon, we looked forward to our meeting with Aung San Suu Kyi. Under the shadow of the majestic Shwedagon pagoda, the N.L.D. headquarters on Shwegon Road is inconspicuous— a teak shop on one side and a residence on the other. Across the road, small shops among trees are usually staked out by military intelligence, ready with their Nikon cameras and walkie-talkies.

The atmosphere inside is electric. A young man approached us smiling, reached into his pocket, and "awarded" us N.L.D. badges (depicting the golden peacock and Aung San Suu Kyi), which we pinned to our lapels. He informed us sadly that Aung San Suu Kyi was in hospital that day undergoing an operation so we could not see her. But we were quite welcome to interview her spokesperson, U Lwin.

While we waited, we learned that the N.L.D. headquarters also served as a venue for social service provision. Some 100 babies come monthly to be weighed, fed, and given vitamins, while their parents receive tuition on early childcare. One volunteer mentioned that almost half the children in Myanmar suffer from malnutrition. The N.L.D. also conducts biweekly adult/children education classes.

An elderly man in his late 70's appeared and slowly, with the aid of a walking stick, made his way up the teak staircase. U Lwin had arrived.

We were summoned to join him in his office. His English was polished as he spoke at length about the years of struggle and oppression endured by the Burmese people. "The N.L.D. has tried to engage the junta in dialogue regarding peaceful negotiations and reconciliation but these have been sabotaged by the regime," he said. "Ms. Suu Kyi's latest attempt at engaging ASEAN leaders as possible arbitrators was fruitless, as the junta cancelled Malaysian P.M. Mahathir's meeting with her late last year."

Australian Complicity

The next day we returned to the N.L.D. office and were fortunate to be able to talk to U Tin U (Oo), N.L.D. vice-chairperson. Tin U, also currently under house arrest, assured us we were in no danger as Australia and China had "most favored nation" status with the junta. "They won't touch you," he said.

He spoke vehemently of the 1,200 Burmese imprisoned for their political beliefs. Tin U was highly critical of Australia's ongoing "constructive engagement" human rights workshops with the regime—criticism he said the Australian ambassador in Yangoon agrees with.

"The problem is, this program of the Australian government makes a lot of people outside Burma think that the junta is doing everything in accordance with the universal declaration of human rights, but this is not accurate, as underneath there is a lot of oppression and many violations of human rights."

I have since visited Myanmar in 2005, when I traveled to Kengtung, and also Tachilek in 2008. The oppression of the Burmese people remains, forcing many to take refuge in Thailand where there are more than 150,000 Burmese in refugee camps, and where more than 2 million survive as migrant workers.

Aung San Suu Kyi remains under house arrest, extended for another year, in Yangoon where she has not been allowed to see her doctor since January. She survives in a house that was badly damaged by Cyclone Nargis.

June 19 was her 63rd birthday. Let us hope the world will place principle before profit and help free Aung San Suu Kyi and her people before she turns 64.

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EARTHtimes.org - ILO slams Myanmar for keeping six 'labour activists' in jail
Posted : Fri, 11 Jul 2008 11:16:00 GMT

Yangon - The International Labour Organization (ILO) on Friday blasted Myanmar's Supreme Court for denying an appeal by six activists to overturn their lengthy jail sentences for attending a Labour Day event. Thurein Aung, Wai Lin, Kyaw Min, Myo Min, Nyi Nyi Zaw and Kyaw Kyaw were arrested on May 1, 2007, after attending a Labour Day function at the American Centre of the US Embassy in Yangon.

A Myanmar court sentenced Nyi Nyi Zaw and Kyaw Kyaw to 20 years in jail and the other four to 28 years for assembling at a public place without authorization.

Myanmar's Supreme Court on June 27, this year, turned down an appeal by the six to reduce their lengthy jail terms for such a minor offence, said their lawyer Aung Thein.

"It was our hope that their appeal to the Supreme Court would result in the quashing of their sentences and their immediate release," said Kari Tapiola, ILO executive director in charge of standards and fundamental principles of rights at work.

"It would have been hoped that in view of the government of Myanmar's publicly expressed intent to take the country into general elections in 2010, that the fundamental freedom of association rights would be respected," added Tapiola.

Having recently pushed through a constitution that will assure the military's control over any elected government, Myanmar's ruling junta has promised to hold polls sometime in 2010.

Myanmar, also known as Burma, has been under military rule since 1962. The government has one of the world's worst records in human rights and labour rights abuses.

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Myanmar National charged with murder of countryman
Bernama - Saturday, July 12

KUALA LUMPUR, July 11 (Bernama) -- A Myanmar national was charged in the Magistrate's Court here today with murdering his fellow countryman in December last year.

Yusof, 33, was charged with the murder of Omar Faruk Osman, in a house at No.38, Jalan Batu Hampar, Taman Batu View, Batu 6 1/2 Jalan Ipoh, Sentul, here, at 5am, on Dec 25, 2007.

Four other Myanmar nationals -- Abas Husin, Nur Alan, Van Duh Chung and Hassan Ali Juhar -- had earlier been charged with the offence.

No plea was recorded.

Magistrate Sazlinidayu Kamarul Bahrin fixed July 25 for mention.

Deputy public prosecutor Fadzril Sani Mohd Fadzil prosecuted while Yusof was not represented.

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Merinews - Myanmar, devastated and dejected after Nargis
Myanmar, once known as the rice bowl of Asia, is slowly losing the volume of rice production since the devastating cyclone Nargis hit the country on May 2. Moreover, the military junta restricted foreign aids to reach the cyclone victims..
CJ: Nava Thakuria , 11, July 2008.

THE DEVASTATING tropical cyclone Nargis that struck southern Myanmar two months ago, has revealed to the world that it was even less disastrous compared to its regime. The military regime, which not only ignored the difficulties faced by its own people after the disaster, but also restricted relief from international communities for them. The group of Generals, known as the State Peace and Development Council, had one apprehension that the massive flow of foreign aid workers to their country might create an ambiance for a major uprising against the government.

The deadly cyclone moved towards the Myanmarese land from the Bay of Bengal on the night of May 2, and it devastated the entire Irrawaddy and Yangon divisions of the country. Nargis also embraced three other divisions and states (Bago, Mon and Kayin) and killed nearly ninety thousand people and made another few thousands homeless. It also left a trail of devastation on social infrastructures, killing thousands of livestock and also causing flood, destroying the paddy fields, which were made ready for Myanmar’s primary crops rice.

According to the latest government information, made available with the government run daily newspaper ‘The New Light of Myanmar’, the storm killed 84,537 people, leaving 53,836 missing and 19,359 injured. The United Nations estimates that Nargis affected 2.4 million people and directly made thousands homeless. At the same time, over 3,00,000 water buffaloes and cows died in Irrawaddy delta and Yangon localities. Moreover, nearly 10,00,000 acres of farmland in Irrawaddy and 3,00,000 acres in Yangon division were destroyed. Over one million acres of fertile land were also flooded with the salty seawater.

But the response to the disaster by its own rulers was simply shocking. First, the rulers couldn’t provide immediate relief to the victims and secondly, they tried to prevent (and restrict) the international aid for their very own people, who were in desperate need of food, medicine and shelter.

"The military regime at Nay Pyi Taw always remained blind to the political power and they can go to all extent to maintain it. Hence, they could ignore all the troubles faced by the cyclone victims. The State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) chief senior general, Than Shwe got time to visit those victims only after international criticism came out in a bigger way. Mind it, they can easily sacrifice the people, but never tolerate international access (through the aid workers) to its common people," commented a Yangon based opposition political leader, who wanted anonymity.

The callousness of the junta was also criticised by Suzanne DiMaggio, director of the Asia Society’s Social Issues Programme (and former vice president of Global Policy Programmes at the United Nations Association of America) saying that for nearly five decades, Myanmar’s military rulers had systematically undermined the interests of their own citizens. Referring to Narigs, she stated that the junta-controlled news media failed to announce warnings about the approaching cyclone.

"The entry of UN humanitarian personnel, has been delayed due to the government’s refusal to allow aid workers into the country without first applying for visas. Moreover, the military leaders are dragging their feet on easing restrictions on the import of humanitarian supplies and allowing a UN assessment team into the country," she added.

Similar views were expressed by a Myanmarese exile, Dr Tayzathuria, who revealed that the Myanmarese junta did not put any effort to warn the people about the deadly storm. Talking to this writer from London, Tayzathuria claimed that the government had done nothing for rehabilitation of the victims and nearly two million people, mostly farmers and their families, were still living in horrible conditions in the makeshift camps.

"The SPDC doesn’t care about its people except maintaining their strong holds on power. Otherwise, the government would have never gone ahead with referendum immediately after the disaster," he also added saying that the referendum was only to forcefully approve the pro-military constitution and finally to install a puppet civilian regime after the 2010 polls.

The referendum, which took places in two phases throughout Myanmar, was a major initiative of the government under their road map to democracy. But the new constitution adopted after the referendum is alleged to comprise many provisions for the armed forces, which would enjoy emergency power and could topple an elected government in need. Moreover, seats will be reserved for them in the Parliament. The new constitution will also prevent the pro-democracy icon Daw Aung San Suu Kyi from contesting the election as she had married a non-Myanmarese (an Englishman).

Moreover, the junta had extended the period of house arrest for Suu Kyi for one more year. The Nobel laureate had already spent five full years under detention since May, 2003. Hence, the decision of the junta on Suu Kyi’s detention invited prompt and harsh criticism from the world communities. From the United Nations to European Union and America to other pro-democratic regimes, all came out with stronger words of condemnation against the military regime.

The UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon visited Myanmar and met the SPDC chief Than Shwe on May 23, days ahead of junta’s decision (on Suu Kyi) and he had no other option than expressing regret later on the development. He, however, commented that ‘the sooner the restrictions on Suu Kyi and other political figures are lifted, the sooner Myanmar will be able to move towards inclusive national reconciliation, the restoration of democracy and full respect for human rights’.

Of course, the initiative of the UN chief resulted on softening the stand of the junta to allow the foreign aid workers irrespective of their nationalities. More recently, the Myanmarese government had issued more than 1500 visas to the relief workers to visit the victims and extend their services.

Nargis, on the other hand, hit the country in a critical period of the year. The month of May in English calendar year brings the season for preparing rice seedlings, which are to be planted later. Like many south and southeast Asian countries, rice is the primary crop (also the staple food) of Myanmar. The traditional rice plantation needs to be completed within the rainy season, more preferably by July end. The harvesting time starts from October.

Hence, the May 2-3 disaster can put a heavy toll on rice production in Myanmar. The cyclone in one hand, flooded the arable lands with the salty sea water, destroyed the already grown saplings and on the other hand, it killed the water buffaloes (also cows), which are essential for the poor Myanmarese cultivators for ploughing. If immediate actions are not taken to support the farmers with tiller and fresh rice saplings, it can be guessed that Myanmar might face food crisis at the end of the year because the Irrawaddy delta region produces most (almost 60 per cent) of the country’s rice. Besides rice, the region also contributes in fish productions. The cyclone damaged most of the fishing ponds, hatcheries and shrimp farms of the area and it could add more people under the acute poverty tag in the coming days.

Meanwhile, the UN Undersecretary- General Noeleen Heyzer issued a clarion call for supplying fuel (to run the power tillers) for the Myanmarese farmers. Heyzer had reportedly stated that this initiative was crucial for the affected Myanmarese farmers ‘to meet their planting season’ to rebuild their livelihood.

Earlier, the Myanmarese Agriculture minister, Htay Oo informed that they urgently needed diesel (it might be a volume of five million litre) to run around 5,000 power tillers. It may be mentioned that understanding the real and immediate difficulties of the rice growers, many countries including China and Thailand donated the power tillers to the farmers.

Myanmar, which was once known as the rice bowl of Asia, has slowly lost the volume of rice production. Four decades of non-governance under the military rule and disastrous economic policies of the junta has left Myanmar in such a pathetic condition that the farmers have now lost their interest and motivation for surplus rice productions.

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ReliefWeb - Myanmar: Japan donates US$3 million for post-cyclone roofing
Source: International Organization for Migration (IOM)
Date: 11 Jul 2008

Japan has pledged US$3 million to IOM to provide new roofs for 6,700 homes damaged by Cyclone Nargis, which struck the Irrawaddy Delta on May 2nd and 3rd.

The funding, which is part of $10 million donated by Japan for post-Nargis emergency response and reconstruction, will be used to buy, distribute and install corrugated galvanized iron (CGI) sheets to replace roofing lost in the cyclone.

The CGI sheets will be distributed by IOM from four operational hubs in urban and semi-urban areas of the Delta townships of Bogale, Pyapon and Mawlamyinegyun and in Mon State. IOM currently has logistics and warehousing facilities in Bogale, Pyapon and Mon State.

IOM relief operations in the three Delta townships to date include the deployment of mobile teams providing direct medical aid, and the distribution of relief items including tarpaulins, hygiene/family kits, rain ponchos and mosquito nets.

Nine IOM mobile medical teams, using Zodiac inflatables and other boats to access remote locations, have treated over 17,150 patients in 239 villages in the three townships since the cyclone.

Other IOM operations currently underway include the distribution 145 portable water purifiers to schools and health clinics, and the arrival and distribution of some 25,000 plastic tarpaulins ordered by IOM from suppliers in India over the next two weeks.

Ten temporary tented medical facilities are also being set up, equipped and staffed by IOM in areas where medical infrastructure was damaged by the cyclone. The tents will operate as clinics until health services are properly restored.

In the revised UN Flash Appeal launched in New York yesterday, IOM is appealing for US$4.65 million for repairing and rebuilding bamboo housing; US$ 1.94 million to repair, rebuild and rehabilitate primary health centers and maternity homes; US$ 443,000 to enhance health care service delivery in remote areas; US$ 1.36 million to deliver mental health services; US$ 494,000 to reduce HIV vulnerability; and US$ 115,000 to monitor severely destroyed communities in nine affected townships to support early recovery.

For more information please contact Chris Lom at IOM's regional office in Bangkok. Tel. +66.819275215. Email: clom@iom.int

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Myanmar Restrictions on Radios and Currency Exchange Persist, as France Grandstands
Byline: Matthew Russell Lee of Inner City Press at the UN: News Analysis

UNITED NATIONS, July 10 -- As the UN appealed for $300 million more for post-cyclone Myanmar, questions grew about the UN's conversion of money to kyat, the local currency, through government-issued Foreign Exchange Certificates at the Myanmar Foreign Trade Bank. Sources have told Inner City Press that the Than Shwe government is benefiting from the exchange rates.

On Thursday Inner City Press asked the UN's Humanitarian Coordinator for Myanmar, Dan Baker, who responded that he does not think the conversion to kyat benefits the government. But what about the first step in the process, the conversion to Foreign Exchange Certificates? That "fluctuates, " Baker replied. Video here, near end. Local estimates say that the fluctuations, particular since the cyclone and the UN's appeal, have benefited the military government.

While Baker and the UN's top humanitarian, John Holmes, both effusively praised Myanmar on Thursday, their own Situation Report of July 7 states, under the heading "Emergency Tele Communications, " that "Equipment is still held in customs, restriction on official imports of telecommunications equipment remains, and use of telecommunications equipment in Delta region is still prohibited." Called on with only three minutes remaining in their press conference, Inner City Press asked Baker and Holmes about each of these.

Baker confirmed that these are the restrictions, but noted that the UN has tried to raise them to the government. But why no mention of the restrictions until they arose at the end of a press conference?

Earlier on Thursday, when Holmes launched the revised appeal, various countries spoke. Thailand emphasized that humanitarian aid should not be politicized. The U.S. spoke about its C-130 cargo flights which ended on June 22. The UK chimes in that it is contributing a further $90 million. (The U.S. has given $47). And then the representative of France spoke, saying "My country and the international community in general is gravely preoccupied by the situation in Burma... Let me remind our partners that the Security Council is dealing with the situation on the political side, independent of the mission of Mr. Gambari."

Various Ambassadors scoffed, one told Inner City Press that France was just grandstanding. Afterwards, a Permanent Five member of the Security Council told Inner City Press that France has "embarrassed John Holmes." Inner City Press asked Holmes to respond to this; he said that France "was trying to make a political point. They want to pursue the political agenda. But... that's why Ibrahim Gambari is preparing to go back there. I didn't feel embarrassed by it. It just wasn't particularly relevant to what we were saying."

An irony is that those who pushed so loudly to get their own humanitarians into Myanmar have not pushed at all to make sure that through currency exchange aid meant for victims of the cyclone is not siphoned off to benefit the military government. One diplomat remarked to Inner City Press, France just wanted to "film its MSF and ACF workers there in Myanmar."

Inner City Press asked Dan Baker if the UN is doing anything to help the Karen people, including IDPs fleeing military action in the east of the country. "We have actually less access to that region," Baker said, mentioning a trust fund set up to help on the issue. But how is the money in the trust fund converted to local currency? Two weeks after Inner City Press asked UNDP the question, the following arrived on July 10:

"UNDP Funds are remitted into the UNDP US dollar account at Myanmar Foreign Trade Bank. UNDP Myanmar exchanges US dollars for Foreign Exchange Certificates at the Bank, and then converts these into local currency (Kyat). The exchange rate is based on the prevailing [most competitive] rate in the market, which can fluctuate."

We will have more on these "fluctuations. " For now we note this response to the question of whether the UN and UNICEF have been pressured by the Myanmar government to hold their press conferences about the cyclone only in Yangon.

Footnote: Ibrahim Gambari, whose mission on Myanmar was mentioned by both France and the UN's Holmes, is reported to have resigned his recent role in the Niger Delta conflict. While it has been explained that he took a leave of absence from the UN for that work, Inner City Press on Thursday asked the UN spokesperson if she could confirm or deny that Gambari resigned his role. It is in her personal capacity, she said. But would he tell the UN if he quit his Nigeria role? Of course, she said. Has he told the UN that?  Not that I know of, she said.

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Stars and Stripes - Marines reflect on Myanmar relief effort
By David Allen, Stars and Stripes
Pacific edition, Friday, July 11, 2008

CAMP FOSTER, Okinawa — The Marines of Combat Logistics Regiment 3 departed here for the Cobra Gold military exercise with no idea they would end up helping provide relief to thousands of cyclone victims.

When Cyclone Nargis tore across Myanmar on May 2, the Marines were preparing for the start of the annual Cobra Gold in Thailand.

But it didn’t take the unit’s 240 Okinawa-based Marines — most of whom have returned — long to switch gears from a combat-training posture to relief mode, working around the clock to provide pallets of supplies for the support effort, dubbed "Operation Caring Response."

On May 12, after delays caused by the reluctance of the Myanmar government to accept international assistance, a U.S. Air Force C-130 loaded with relief supplies was allowed to land in Rangoon. It was the first of 200 relief flights delivering more than 3.3 million pounds of much-needed supplies that the U.S. military would send into the country to assist international organizations providing relief.

Much more could have been accomplished, U.S. military officials said. Myanmar denied offers to use long-range helicopters to distribute supplies to the hardest-hit areas of the country and refused the assistance of the 31st Marine Expeditionary Unit and the USS Essex Ready Group, which was diverted to international waters off the coast of Myanmar for more than three weeks.

However, the Okinawa-based members of CLR-3 never let politics get in the way.

"The mission was right up our alley," said Col. Chuck Chiarotti, the regiment’s commander, adding that supplies did reach cyclone victims and the U.S. troops provided a show of support.

"I’m not at all surprised that we were able to accomplish what we did," he said. "That’s the beauty of it. We were in the middle of inshore onload of a ship, when we were tasked to divert a slice of our capability to this effort, and we did it without missing a beat."

Staff Sgt. Jacob Reichert, 29, an air-delivery specialist, said the CLR-3 Marines moved quickly to the Utapao airfield, where two teams set up operations.

"When we started, there was an Army detachment there that was loading four to six pallets per day," he said. Each pallet contains about 5,000 pounds of supplies.

"We immediately went to 24-hour ops and loaded 16 to 32 pallets per day, supporting five flights per day, six pallets of supplies per flight," Reichert said. "At one point we built 54 pallets in four hours. Another time it was 71 pallets in five and a half hours."

Sometimes Marines worked 14- and 20-hour days.

"It could be frustrating at times," Reichert said. "On our end, we’d have stuff built up and ready to go and then at the last minute changes would be made, and we’d have to tear the pallets down and reload.

For example, we had quite a bit of water to deliver in the beginning, and then we were told they had plenty of water and wanted us to send in some other supplies."

"What was really great was working with the Thai people — the guys working the forklifts and the like — and trying to deal with them in a different language," Cpl. Christian Irula, 24, said. "It was actually a lot of fun."

"The most difficult part was the language barrier, trying to work out hand signals," said Sgt. Dustin Letourneau, 22.

"This mission was different," Gunnery Sgt. Jerry Dominguez, 31, said. "This time we were more toward the rear of the mission. When we responded to disasters in the past, we were in the forward part — right in the middle of everything."

Dominguez had high marks for his Marines. "Any position we put them in, they were able to accomplish the mission," he said.

The mission is not quite over.

"There are still some Marines down there, making sure all the equipment gets on the ship and comes back," said Capt. James Warner, the unit’s operations officer. "Looking at the big picture of what these guys accomplished, they were able to overcome and adapt to everything that was thrown at them.

"They had to change themselves to fit in a different world, and these junior Marines — who are the backbone of the Marine Corps — really stepped up to the plate."

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Myanmar's people need world's help
The Straits Times - July 11, 2008 
By Noeleen Heyzer & Surin Pitsuwan, For The Straits Times

NOW, more than two months after Cyclone Nargis left a trail of death and destruction in Myanmar, events and developments elsewhere in the world have captured many of the region's news headlines.
But not being at the centre of media attention does not mean the plight of Myanmar is over. Unfortunately, that is far from being the case.

The world's attention will surely re-focus on Myanmar in the coming days, with the launch of the Revised Flash Appeal yesterday. The initial appeal sought US$187 million (S$255 million) to enable international partners to support the government of Myanmar in addressing the needs of more than 1.5 million people affected by the cyclone.

The Revised Flash Appeal is based on the Post-Nargis Joint Assessment Report (Ponja) undertaken by the Tripartite Core Group, consisting of Asean, Myanmar and the United Nations.

The Ponja report will be launched in Singapore on July 21 at the Asean Foreign Ministers' Meeting. In our separate capacities as the chairman of the Asean Humanitarian Task Force and a member of the Humanitarian Task Force Advisory Group, we were recently provided with the report's preliminary findings - and they give a sobering overview of the extensive damage and loss incurred as a result of Cyclone Nargis.

It was an overview reinforced by what we saw during a recent visit to some of the worst-affected areas in Myanmar's Irrawaddy delta, including the townships of Bogale, Satsan and Kyein Chaung Gyi.

Even before landing in the affected areas, we were provided with a constant reminder of the obstacles faced in overcoming the cyclone's effects. The 45-minute helicopter flight to Bogale highlighted the vast open space of the delta, while the absence of almost any roads emphasised its remoteness and the scale of the remaining recovery and reconstruction challenge.

On the ground, we saw that while the relief phase is far from over and unmet humanitarian needs remain significant - particularly in the food, water, sanitation and shelter sectors - much has been accomplished to bring assistance to most villages in the delta and some level of normalcy was starting to take shape.

We saw a district hospital in full operation, children attending recently repaired schools and the construction, with hardwood, of homes to replace the tents and temporary shelters erected in the first weeks following the destructive passage of Cyclone Nargis.

But this progress cannot go far on its own. International aid is needed. So it is time to scale up effective programmes to support the health, education and livelihoods of the people in the delta.

It is time to think of using the tripartite partnership to develop a more comprehensive and coordinated strategy for recovery. In particular, it is time to ensure that rice is planted before the planting season is over at the end of this month. Failure to do that will not only be disastrous for food security in Myanmar and the region, but will also increase Myanmar's already high levels of unemployment.

As part of early recovery efforts, seeds, fertiliser and more diesel for the newly provided tillers are urgently needed. Small steps such as these will have knock-on effects for the overall situation - productive employment is a central part of the recovery phase and a step towards normalcy.

In addition, support needs to be township-focused and village- based. The capacity of existing institutions that can bring relief to where it is most needed - at the community level - needs to be strengthened.

This point was driven home when we visited a township and village administration that was managing relief operations with the support of the Myanmar Red Cross and Red Crescent, civil society organisations and the UN system.

For any of this to happen, there needs to be a solid response to the Revised Flash Appeal and we call upon the international community to heed the appeal.

Not all of us will be able to witness first-hand the aftermath of Cyclone Nargis with flights to the Irrawaddy delta, neither do we need to. It is enough to know that the Myanmar people need the world's help.
And the world should respond - quickly.

As our field visit to the delta drew to a close and the blades of the World Food Programme's MI-8 helicopter began to roar, the drizzle which had been falling for some time changed.

Gone was the gentle pitter-patter of raindrops, and in its place came the monsoon rains - yet another reminder of the need to act quickly.

Dr Heyzer, UN Undersecretary- general and executive secretary of Escap, is a member of the Asean Humanitarian Task Force Advisory Group. Dr Surin is Secretary-general of the Asean Secretariat and chairman of its task force.

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Haven or Hell
The Irrawaddy - Friday, July 11, 2008
By TOR NORLING

PANGHSANG, Burma — “I had two choices. The first was to escape to Thailand, the other was to hide out here,” said 20-year-old Sandimar, one of two young Buddhist monks standing outside a temple in Panghsang, the unofficial capital of Wa State, an unmarked, lush, mountainous region shown on maps as eastern Shan State.

Backed up against China’s Yunnan State and within a day or two’s mule ride to the Golden Triangle, the undeveloped Wa State was once the world’s largest producer of opium and, by implication, the greatest source of heroin.

However, nowadays the region is undergoing a series of transformations that is causing friction between leaders of the Wa armed forces and the brutal clique that rules from Burma’s capital, Naypyidaw.

Sandimar and Sai Sai fled from Rangoon after last September’s monk-led demonstrations were violently suppressed by the military authorities. Sandimar says he was among the crowd of monks that took to the streets to ignite the uprising.

On the night of September 28 he faced the consequences for his bravery—his temple was surrounded and attacked by hundreds of heavily armed soldiers. “The soldiers came at 4 am. They pointed their guns at us and told us not to move,” he says. “Those who didn’t follow the instructions were beaten. More than 100 monks were arrested at my temple.”

Dressed in their saffron robes, the monks were marched at gunpoint onto a bus and, in the darkness, driven to a school in the suburbs of Insein, in the northwest of Rangoon.
‘When we got there it looked like they had arrested every monk in Rangoon—there were thousands of us,” Sai Sai says.

He and Sandimar were locked in a classroom along with about 800 other monks. “We received food once a day, but we were never allowed to leave the room, even to use the toilet. The smell in the room became unbearable,” he said.

According to Sandimar, many of the soldiers were obviously uncomfortable with their orders as they had been brought up to look up to the Buddhist sangha (monkhood) with great reverence. Beating and abusing monks was a great sacrilege.

“However, other soldiers were extremely brutal,” Sandimar said. “They didn't care if we were monks or not. The guards made the monks disrobe and dress in civilian clothes. They told us this made it easier for them to harass us,” he said.

“All we could do was pray,” said Sai Sai. “But if the guards heard our voices they threatened to kill us.”

Sai Sai witnessed more than 100 monks taken aside by the guards and beaten up. ‘‘It was strange—they only hit them on the heads and told them the treatment was a ‘special present,’” he said.

Their nightmare lasted a week. Then Sai Sai, Sandimar and about 70 other monks were released and told to leave the city. The journey to the Wa mountains took Sandimar and Sai Sai four days.

“We are safe in Wa State, the regime has no influence here,” said Sandimar.

That the rugged Wa hills would be a sanctuary for monks and activists was by no means guaranteed, however, because the Wa region is unpredictable— it is currently an area in flux.

Wa State is controlled by the 20,000-strong United Wa State Army (UWSA), once dubbed the most heavily armed narcotics traffickers in the world by the US State Department. Although Naypyidaw’s generals have little influence in the region, a long-held ceasefire, and the fact the UWSA and the Burmese military occasionally join forces to do battle with the insurgent Shan State Army has led to the perception that the UWSA has become a firm ally of the Burmese regime.

Jiao Wei, a 46-year-old colonel responsible for the organization’s publicity and head of the Wa television station, is quick to dispel that notion.

“We have not criticized the regime publicly, but in our hearts everybody here is angry about what has happened. We don't support what the Burmese government has done, but we are independent of them, so we have no influence. However, we hope they can do a better job for their population,” he says.

The Wa area has never been fully tamed. British colonizers failed to conquer the almost impenetrable mountains and Burma’s rulers were also similarly thwarted. Shortly after Burma won independence, a tribal leader was asked by prime minister U Nu whether the Wa wanted education, good food, clothes, good housing and hospitals. “We are very simple people. We don't appreciate these things. We just live by ourselves,” was the response.

Mostly animists, living in isolation and numbering only half a million people (an estimated 400,000 more live in Yunnan on the Chinese side), the Wa remain one of Burma’s most mysterious and least-documented ethnic groups.

During the first British expeditions to the area in the late 1800s, the Wa were labelled simply as naked, dirty, dark-skinned, poor and barbaric. Their tradition of hunting for human heads—used as totems in the villages to secure good harvests and to protect against disease—persisted until the 1970s, added to their ferocious reputation. It was no small wonder that this ethnic group became widely known as the “Wild Wa.”

In the 1970s and 80s, with backing from China, the Communist Party of Burma (CPB)—which was established in 1939 to spearhead the struggle against British colonialism—constituted the largest military threat to the regime in Rangoon.

The Wa provided the bulk of the CPB’s ground forces. Thousands were killed in spectacular attacks in which waves of CPB soldiers threw themselves against Burmese positions. According to some observers, more than 25 percent of Wa soldiers died in the fighting and the prospect of losing more made several Wa leaders rebel.

At the same time, Beijing’s support began to wane. A 1989 split in the CPB led to the creation of the United Wa State Army (UWSA), the armed wing of the United Wa State Party.

The UWSA then signed a ceasefire with the Burmese authorities, who, weakened by the 1988 democracy uprisings, readily accepted the UWSA’s terms. In addition to self-rule, the UWSA was allowed to keep its weapons and trade in whatever it wanted.

The only foreigners allowed to enter the region are a small group of aid workers and only Chinese are allowed to pass through the official border crossing with China. Even representatives of the Burmese regime need permission from the Wa authorities before they can visit what is known in Naypyidaw as “Special Region 2.” An illegal border crossing, about 400 metres upstream from the official point of entry and manned by remarkably casual soldiers, is the only option for foreign journalists or observers who wish to enter the area.

It did not take the UWSA long to remember that the most lucrative business in the Wa hills was the production and sale of illegal drugs, a trade that had long vexed the CPB.

“The Wa hills are a strange place. Opium grows very well, but rice doesn't grow at all,” says Jiao Wei.

In 2001, Burma was the world’s largest producer of opium. The UWSA dominated the industry and also produced large quantities of methamphetamine— known in the West as “speed” or “crystal meth”—a highly addictive drug that has spread like an epidemic in Thailand where it is called “ya ba,” meaning “crazy medicine.”

Under pressure from China, the United States and the United Nations, the UWSA’s supreme commander, Bao Youxiang, promised that the Wa State would be free of opium by 2005. And, according to the UN Office on Drugs and Crime, that's what happened.

“The US always says we are terrorists. That's a mistake,” argues Jiao Wei. “We stopped producing and selling drugs in 2005. We hope the world can agree that the Wa hills have become a good place and that the situation is not like it was before.”

Jiao Wei is particularly infuriated by the indictment of eight UWSA leaders by a US federal court in 2005. In addition it is believed that more than 20 people with connections to the UWSA are sought by the US on drug charges. For the capture of the UWSA’s top leaders the bounty is said to be several million dollars.

Wei says he is disappointed the drug ban has not had more support from the international community. “We have asked our farmers to grow rice, tea and rubber, but it doesn’t offer enough revenue. They don’t have enough food and need help,” he says.

“Most farmers are against the ban. The poverty creates tensions. We feel a growing pressure from our people.”

Poverty in Wa villages is at a level that is difficult to compare to the relative comfort in nearby Yunnan or Thailand. One hour’s drive west of Panghsang is Maw Hai, a muddy hamlet of about 50 shacks made from corrugated metal, bamboo and wood, with cattle and pigs roaming freely. Malnourished children sit in the dirt.

“There used to be opium everywhere,” said village leader Ai Nap, pointing to the fields surrounding the village. He said that the village was always poor, but now the situation is worse.

“Before the ban we did at least have some income to buy food and medicines. Today, we don’t have enough to eat. The rice only lasts for five or six months of the year,” he says.

Of the 146 people living in the village, most are children. ‘‘Last year many children died, but this year has been a bit better,” says Ai Nap.

This is about as good as it gets in a Wa village. The farther they are from the road and Panghsang, the worse the conditions are. At least Maw Hai has electricity and the World Food Programme has established a water supply and sends in a few sacks of rice. Ai Nap confirmed that they are close enough to Panghsang to send the children to hospital when they get sick. ‘‘But often when they return from the hospital they die,” he says.

It is easy to criticize the Wa leadership, who live a life of luxury in Panghsang while their people starve and suffer, but the UWSA did warn the international community in good time that alternative sources of farming and income would be necessary if the ban were to be sustained. For the most part, this humanitarian disaster-in- the-making is devoid of international aid workers. The few in evidence are reluctant to speak to journalists, fearing critical reports could upset the Naypyidaw regime, which, in turn, could hinder their operations.

Burmese aid workers are more helpful. However, an employee of one of the UN’s two offices in Panghsang says aid workers are not always welcome in the villages. ‘‘There have been some incidents and misunderstandings. Many believe we are coming to monitor whether we are growing opium, so it’s difficult to be accepted,” he says.

The suspicion that several people in or connected to the UWSA are still active in the drug industry is also a deterrent to outside help. Despite Jiao Wei's assurances, there is little doubt that large quantities of opium and methamphetamine continue to be channelled through the Wa hills.

Although trading in illegal drugs is still possible, a source connected to the drugs industry said that the ban has made it harder. Increased controls in China have also constricted supply. The source said he remembers the days when truckloads of opium left Panghsang for Yunnan. A few days later the trucks returned with hard currency. “To make a deal today you need both power and money. Money alone makes you vulnerable, as you have no power to protect you. Power is not enough as you don't have money to be in the market,” he said.

When a deal does go down, it is usually big and the risks are high.

A 20-year-old woman who runs a hotel in the border town of Mong La says her mother was jailed after Chinese police searched her family’s property in Yunnan two years ago. The quantities of heroin discovered were so large that no attempts to bribe the police succeeded. She was executed. The young woman’s husband escaped the death penalty but is serving life in prison. She said that although she is still wealthy, she is alone looking after her two-year-old daughter.

“Most people I know come from families like that,” said the source. ‘‘Even if you are rich you will have lost a lot. Many here are extremely wealthy but because of their fear of getting killed or arrested, they never leave the Wa hills. Instead they bring here what they need from the outside world.”

Most of the food in Panghsang is imported from China. The cars, for the most part Land Rovers and Japanese pick-ups, have been smuggled in from Thailand. Sometimes the place of origin of goods is confusing. Pepsi is imported from China, while Coca-Cola comes from Thailand. The Wa apparently think Coca Cola produced in Thailand tastes better than its Chinese counterpart.

There is a throbbing nightlife centered around the town’s rundown casino. The women offering their services in a number of brothels in the surrounding streets are mainly Chinese. The nightclub “Babe” could be in New York or London. An advanced laser system illuminates the dance floor. Two DJs brought in from China are playing hip-hop.

Cheryl, 20, says the youth of Panghsang are looking to the United States when it comes to music and culture. ‘‘I love black hip-hop and the NBL [National Basketball League] is my life. I don't know why. Maybe we look to black American culture because we are so much darker than the Chinese,” she says.

Cheryl has a university degree from Kunming, Yunnan’s capital, and runs a fashion store in Panghsang. As the daughter of a high-ranking officer she has little to fear economically, but she grew up in poverty. She remembers her childhood in Ying Pan, a village three hours’ drive from Panghsang, when the mountains where covered with opium poppies. She used to go to the fields with her aunt during the harvest season to gather opium, which she sold at the local market for pocket money. In the mid-1990s her father suddenly became rich and today she lives in a huge wooden mansion in the centre of Panghsang.

“I have been very lucky and I do my best to help the people in my home village. When I go home to my village I always take clothes and presents for the children. They always come to visit because our house is the only one in the village that has a TV,” she says.

Cheryl claims the local authorities are doing a good job in helping the population but admits there is a huge gap in wealth. ‘‘In the Wa State, a few are extremely rich, everybody else is extremely poor.”

In Maw Hai, the noticeable difference is not so much rich and poor, but young and old—there appears to be no teenagers. The mystery is solved in Panghsang. At the entrance to the military academy a group of soldiers stand around. Many of them are girls and many are very young. Nika, 18, said he was forced to join the army.

“Every family with more than one child must give a child to the army—that’s the law here,” he says. A boy in a uniform that is far too big for him says he is 12. Another soldier explains that you can be recruited from the age of 10. The soldiers earn between 30 and 40 yuan ($4.40 to $5.85) a month.

The fear of an attack from Naypyidaw is, according to observers, the reason why the Wa leadership maintains its army. Even though the ceasefire has held for almost 20 years, the relationship between Burma’s generals and the UWSA is not without complications. ‘‘Nobody here trusts the Burmese,” says Jiao Wei.

A recent attempt by the regime to move Wa settlements away from the Thai-Burmese border has inflamed tensions, for instance, and there are worries about Chinese influence.

“The Burmese authorities don’t want more Chinese in Wa State; but most of the economy comes from China, so we welcome them,” says Jiao Wei. He says Naypyidaw has no business in telling them what to do. “If they attack, we will retaliate. But we will not fire the first bullet,” he says.

With that he declares the interview over and cracks open a bottle of whisky containing pulverized tiger bone. ‘‘This will keep you healthy,” he toasts.

Sandimar, meanwhile, hopes the Wa State will continue to offer him a safe haven. He says about 300 monks, most of whom are originally from the Wa hills, have come from Rangoon recently, along with a group of student activists, among them 23-year-old Aung. A long scar on his forehead bears witness to the treatment he received in prison.

“I had never seen this kind of brutality,” he said, and explains that he was arrested when soldiers attacked a demonstration he was taking part in. He tried to escape but was surrounded. Forced to lie on the ground, he was repeatedly beaten with sticks and rifle butts. “They hit me in the back and the head several times. Then they asked me to stand up, only to strike me down again. I was bleeding all over the place. Then they put the barrel of a gun in my mouth. I was sure they would kill me.”

Aung was released after a week and, like Sandimar and Sai Sai, traveled directly to Wa State. He is aware that he has swapped one military regime for another; the UWSA is by no means a democratic institution. “At least the Wa leaders care somewhat about their people. They don’t conspire to kill you,” he says.

“If you really want to confront the Wa leadership, you may get into trouble, but you can discuss and talk about whatever you like. They appreciate a well-informed critique,” he added.

Whether the Wa leaders remain so open-minded if the public pressure from the opium ban continues to grow or if Naypyidaw acts on its irritation about China’s involvement in the region remains to be seen.

For now the Wa have gone beyond their Conradian image as headhunters to become the unlikely protectors of Burma’s saffron revolutionaries and a key player in the global crackdown on drugs.

Tor Norling is a freelance journalist from Norway who covers South and Southeast Asian affairs.

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Gambari Meets UN General Assembly President
The Irrawaddy - Friday, July 11, 2008
By LALIT K JHA / UNITED NATIONS

UN Special Envoy on Burma Ibrahim Gambari met with the UN General Assembly president on Thursday to discuss the current political situation in Burma and the humanitarian response to Cyclone Nargis, which struck the country in early May.

Gambari, who is scheduled to visit Burma later this month, met with Srgjan Kerim of the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, who was elected president of the assembly in 2007, to serve a one-year term.

Gambari’s mandate comes from the General Assembly, not from the UN Security Council or the UN secretary-general.

They discussed the Burmese government’s progress in moving toward democracy and the humanitarian cooperation between Burma, the UN and Asean countries, in response to the devastation caused by the cyclone, according to a spokesperson.

No date has been set for Gambari's visit to Burma.

“As you know, he has a standing invitation,” said a UN spokesperson. “However, he hasn't decided on a date yet, because it requires quite a bit of preparation before he goes there."

The General Assembly president said he strongly encourages the Burmese government to continue to work closely with Gambari to achieve tangible progress in implementing General Assembly resolutions on Burma.

The spokesperson said Kerim is encouraged by the role played by neighboring Asean countries and the Groups of Friends of the secretary-general on Burma.

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Interview: Burma’s declining basic education

Jul 10, 2008 (DVB)–Former Rangoon University lecturer Daw Nyein Khet Khet has criticised the two-tier education system in Burma for denying children from poor families an adequate basic education.

Among the schools in Rangoon under the administration of the military regime’s Ministry of Education, many that are attended by the children of government officials or those from rich families demand sizeable fees and contributions from parents.

The schools in which the children of the elite study and those attended by the majority of ordinary students differ significantly in terms of teaching, collecting money, quality of teaching, exam results and the percentage of students who obtain distinctions in their exams.

DVB interviewed Daw Nyein Khet Khet, a former lecturer from Rangoon University’s Burmese Department, to find out about the declining state of Burma’s basic education.

DVB: Why are there differences between schools in terms of exam pass rates and so on?

NKK: Teachers in Dagon (1) and Latha (2) schools pay close attention to the students they are teaching. They also teach those students outside classrooms in return for high tuition fees. As a result, the percentage of children from those schools who pass their exams has grown.

Because of the high exam pass rate, those schools became popular and later, the number of students who wanted to study in those schools increased. Competition for school admission also came about. Paying more money and making donations became standard in order for children to attend those schools.

In Burma, particularly in schools at ward level in Rangoon, people have to at least make a donation to be able to send their children to schools. I would say such practice is a bad practice.

As you know our country faces economic hardship, there are parents who cannot even afford a small amount of money for their children’s education. As a consequence, children cannot attend schools and many have to drop out.

I don’t think investing a lot of money to be able to select ‘good’ schools for primary education is a good indication to basic education. If teachers in those schools have better teaching skills, it is only because of the mismanagement of the government.

Every school must have qualified teachers who have the same teaching skills. And the government has the responsibility to train them to be qualified.

DVB: What do you think is the root cause of these differences?

NKK: I think the main reason lies in the very low rate of pay for teachers. Because of that teachers have to take on teaching outside the classrooms – private tuition – to make ends meet.

To earn high tuition fees, teachers try to pay close attention to their students. And so rich parents who want better attention for their children send their kids to schools where those teachers are available by spending more money.

As for teachers who want to make more money, they prefer teaching in those schools and they seem to take effective care of the children’s education only when they are in those schools. These issues are all interrelated.

On 7 July 1962, university students called for national education. Basically, they called for teaching on democracy, asking the government to develop an international- standard curriculum that includes political knowledge students should be aware of. I would say they called for freedom of education.

If we had freedom of education in our country, we wouldn’t need to worry about the crisis we are currently facing in Burma’s basic education system. Teachers’ salaries and school expenses for our children would also no longer be a concern.

Despite changes in the basic education curriculum to bring it up to international standards, the military regime still doesn’t consider the rights of those who work in education and those of the students. It shows that there is no freedom of education in our country.

Reporting by Moe Aye

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