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Myanmar Restrictions on Radios and Currency Exchange Persist, as France Grandstands
UN raises Myanmar cyclone plea
UN appeals for more aid for Myanmar's cyclone victims
School provides glimpse of routine for Burma kids
Burma’s declining basic education
Workers’ rights seditious in Burma
When a Disastrous Regime Continues
Burmese Needs Divide the Aid Industry

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Myanmar Restrictions on Radios and Currency Exchange Persist, as France Grandstands
Byline: Matthew Russell Lee of Inner City Press at the UN: News Analysis

UNITED NATIONS, July 10 -- As the UN appealed for $300 million more for post-cyclone Myanmar, questions grew about the UN's conversion of money to kyat, the local currency, through government-issued Foreign Exchange Certificates at the Myanmar Foreign Trade Bank. Sources have told Inner City Press that the Than Shwe government is benefiting from the exchange rates.

On Thursday Inner City Press asked the UN's Humanitarian Coordinator for Myanmar, Dan Baker, who responded that he does not think the conversion to kyat benefits the government. But what about the first step in the process, the conversion to Foreign Exchange Certificates? That "fluctuates," Baker replied. Video here, near end. Local estimates say that the fluctuations, particular since the cyclone and the UN's appeal, have benefited the military government.

While Baker and the UN's top humanitarian, John Holmes, both effusively praised Myanmar on Thursday, their own Situation Report of July 7 states, under the heading "Emergency Tele Communications," that "Equipment is still held in customs, restriction on official imports of telecommunications equipment remains, and use of telecommunications equipment in Delta region is still prohibited." Called on with only three minutes remaining in their press conference, Inner City Press asked Baker and Holmes about each of these.

Baker confirmed that these are the restrictions, but noted that the UN has tried to raise them to the government. But why no mention of the restrictions until they arose at the end of a press conference?

UN's Ban in the Delta, radios and currency exchange not shown

Earlier on Thursday, when Holmes launched the revised appeal, various countries spoke. Thailand emphasized that humanitarian aid should not be politicized. The U.S. spoke about its C-130 cargo flights which ended on June 22. The UK chimes in that it is contributing a further $90 million. (The U.S. has given $47). And then the representative of France spoke, saying

"My country and the international community in general is gravely preoccupied by the situation in Burma... Let me remind our partners that the Security Council is dealing with the situation on the political side, independent of the mission of Mr. Gambari."

Various Ambassadors scoffed, one told Inner City Press that France was just grandstanding. Afterwards, a Permanent Five member of the Security Council told Inner City Press that France has "embarrassed John Holmes." Inner City Press asked Holmes to respond to this; he said that France "was trying to make a political point. They want to pursue the political agenda. But... that's why Ibrahim Gambari is preparing to go back there. I didn't feel embarrassed by it. It just wasn't particularly relevant to what we were saying."

An irony is that those who pushed so loudly to get their own humanitarians into Myanmar have not pushed at all to make sure that through currency exchange aid meant for victims of the cyclone is not siphoned off to benefit the military government. One diplomat remarked to Inner City Press, France just wanted to "film its MSF and ACF workers there in Myanmar."

Inner City Press asked Dan Baker if the UN is doing anything to help the Karen people, including IDPs fleeing military action in the east of the country. "We have actually less access to that region," Baker said, mentioning a trust fund set up to help on the issue. But how is the money in the trust fund converted to local currency? Two weeks after Inner City Press asked UNDP the question, the following arrived on July 10:

"UNDP Funds are remitted into the UNDP US dollar account at Myanmar Foreign Trade Bank. UNDP Myanmar exchanges US dollars for Foreign Exchange Certificates at the Bank, and then converts these into local currency (Kyat). The exchange rate is based on the prevailing [most competitive] rate in the market, which can fluctuate."

  We will have more on these "fluctuations." For now we note this response to the question of whether the UN and UNICEF have been pressured by the Myanmar government to hold their press conferences about the cyclone only in Yangon.

Footnote: Ibrahim Gambari, whose mission on Myanmar was mentioned by both France and the UN's Holmes, is reported to have resigned his recent role in the Niger Delta conflict. While it has been explained that he took a leave of absence from the UN for that work, Inner City Press on Thursday asked the UN spokesperson if she could confirm or deny that Gambari resigned his role. It is in her personal capacity, she said. But would he tell the UN if he quit his Nigeria role? Of course, she said. Has he told the UN that?  Not that I know of, she said.

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UN raises Myanmar cyclone plea
By JOHN HEILPRIN, Associated Press Writer
Thu Jul 10, 8:02 PM ET

The U.N. aid chief called on world governments Thursday to donate $300 million more to help Myanmar to recover from the effects of a cyclone that devastated parts of the Asian nation in May.

"The relief operation is by no means over," said John Holmes, head of U.N. humanitarian operations. "There are many who still remain in need of basic assistance and urgent support."

Holmes said he was launching the appeal after initially requesting $201 million in aid and receiving nearly $180 million in pledges.

But along with the shortfall from that original request, the U.N. says it now needs an additional $280 million for the work of 13 U.N. agencies and 23 non-governmental organizations.

The money is intended to help the 2.4 million people that the U.N. says have been seriously affected by Cyclone Nargis. More than 100 projects are planned to deliver food, shelter, clean drinking water, sanitation, education and other needs.

Despite the relief efforts by international aid workers and Myanmar's government, many areas of the Irrawaddy Delta hit hard by the May 2-3 storm still have not received as much as aid as they requested, Holmes said.

The government's official death toll now stands at 84,537 dead, with 53,836 missing.

Holmes repeated his assertion that international aid efforts were making "significant progress" since U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, traveled to Myanmar to win a pledge from its ruling general, Than Shwe, to free up more access.

Holmes said, however, that half the families in Myanmar have food supplies of only about one day or less and some 60,000 children were at risk of malnutrition. He said the cyclone wiped out 42 percent of the nation's overall food stocks.

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UN appeals for more aid for Myanmar's cyclone victims
AFP
Thu Jul 10, 1:36 PM ET

UN humanitarian chief John Holmes said Thursday that the world body was hiking its aid appeal to help Cyclone Nargis victims in Myanmar from an initial 201 million to 481.8 million dollars (300 million euros).

The revised appeal by some 13 UN agencies and 23 non-governmental organizations (NGOs) is to fund remaining relief needs as well as 103 early recovery projects in the areas of water, sanitation, education, health, nutrition, food and agriculture, he said here.

Holmes, who heads the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), said donors had covered around 70 percent of the initial appeal of 201 million dollars, which means that 303.6 million dollars are still needed.

"I hope the international community will show itself fully ready, capable and willing to help provide further critically-needed assistance to the people of Myanmar," he said at the launch of the appeal in the UN Trustee Council chamber.

"The survivors of this tragedy deserves nothing less," he added.

More than 138,000 people were killed or remain missing in the wake of Cyclone Nargis which pummelled southwest Myanmar on May 2 and 3.

Only 45 percent of survivors are getting food from international aid agencies, according to a report issued last month by the UN and the Southeast Asian bloc ASEAN, which conducted a detailed assessment of the worst-affected areas.

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School provides glimpse of routine for Burma kids
ABC News
Posted Thu Jul 10, 2008 4:00pm AEST

Devastation: Experts say the cyclone will have a long-term effect on many of Burma's youngest citizens. (AFP: file photo)
Audio: Burma aid workers visa approvals 'too late' (The World Today)

In the cyclone-affected areas of Burma, school is back in. Thousands of schools have reopened in the past week and it's in part due to the work of agencies like Save the Children.

Andrew Kirkwood is the organisation's Burma director and he says a sense of normalcy is essential in dealing with trauma.

"Kids obviously need to continue their eduction but also, because we know that that's the best way to help children deal with the trauma that they experienced, getting kids into a routine, into some sense of normalcy," he said.

"We know is extremely good for their mental as well as physical security, so we've been focusing on that."

Children have been among the most vulnerable victims of Cyclone Nargis. Some are orphaned, and some are still hoping to be reunited with their families.

Experts say the cyclone will have a long-term effect on many of Burma's youngest citizens, but for babies, even now, it could be fatal.

"In every community we go to there are children, young infants who have separated from their mothers and who are not being breastfed at the moment," Mr Kirkwood said.

"And we know that if we don't find other women to breastfeed these kids soon, that they are likely not to survive the next few months."

Under the guidance of the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the United Nations there's been an influx of foreign expertise in recent weeks.

Aid for aid workers

Those aid workers will be able to provide valuable assistance on the ground for the rebuilding efforts. But they're also providing much needed relief for the Burmese aid workers who were forced to carry the load for so long - people like Mr Kirkwood.

"Our house was very badly damaged in the cyclone but of course ... I have the resources to find alternate accommodation," he said.

"I think the story really is about all of those Burmese people who have been very badly affected by the storm and have put that aside and decided to really dedicate themselves to helping other people.

"I'm incredibly proud of our staff who have done that."

He says he hopes the junta might see this now as a positive and make it easier for the likes of Save the Children.

"I think that one of the reasons Save the Children was able to respond so quickly was that we did have 500 national staff in the country," he said.

"I think that certainly in some parts of the Government we're getting recognition for what we've been doing."

As yet there is no clear idea of how long it will take to rebuild after the cyclone and at what cost.
Aid agencies know they're dealing with long-term projects after disasters like this, and with Burma's stubborn military junta, it will be even more so.

Based on a piece by South East Asia correspondent Karen Percy for The World Today.

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Burma’s declining basic education
Reporting by Moe Aye

Jul 10, 2008 (DVB)–Former Rangoon University lecturer Daw Nyein Khet Khet has criticised the two-tier education system in Burma for denying children from poor families an adequate basic education.

Among the schools in Rangoon under the administration of the military regime’s Ministry of Education, many that are attended by the children of government officials or those from rich families demand sizeable fees and contributions from parents.

The schools in which the children of the elite study and those attended by the majority of ordinary students differ significantly in terms of teaching, collecting money, quality of teaching, exam results and the percentage of students who obtain distinctions in their exams.

DVB interviewed Daw Nyein Khet Khet, a former lecturer from Rangoon University’s Burmese Department, to find out about the declining state of Burma’s basic education.

DVB: Why are there differences between schools in terms of exam pass rates and so on?

NKK: Teachers in Dagon (1) and Latha (2) schools pay close attention to the students they are teaching. They also teach those students outside classrooms in return for high tuition fees. As a result, the percentage of children from those schools who pass their exams has grown.

Because of the high exam pass rate, those schools became popular and later, the number of students who wanted to study in those schools increased. Competition for school admission also came about. Paying more money and making donations became standard in order for children to attend those schools.

In Burma, particularly in schools at ward level in Rangoon, people have to at least make a donation to be able to send their children to schools. I would say such practice is a bad practice.

As you know our country faces economic hardship, there are parents who cannot even afford a small amount of money for their children’s education. As a consequence, children cannot attend schools and many have to drop out.

I don’t think investing a lot of money to be able to select ‘good’ schools for primary education is a good indication to basic education. If teachers in those schools have better teaching skills, it is only because of the mismanagement of the government.

Every school must have qualified teachers who have the same teaching skills. And the government has the responsibility to train them to be qualified.

DVB: What do you think is the root cause of these differences?

NKK: I think the main reason lies in the very low rate of pay for teachers. Because of that teachers have to take on teaching outside the classrooms – private tuition – to make ends meet.

To earn high tuition fees, teachers try to pay close attention to their students. And so rich parents who want better attention for their children send their kids to schools where those teachers are available by spending more money.

As for teachers who want to make more money, they prefer teaching in those schools and they seem to take effective care of the children’s education only when they are in those schools. These issues are all interrelated.

On 7 July 1962, university students called for national education. Basically, they called for teaching on democracy, asking the government to develop an international-standard curriculum that includes political knowledge students should be aware of. I would say they called for freedom of education.

If we had freedom of education in our country, we wouldn’t need to worry about the crisis we are currently facing in Burma’s basic education system. Teachers’ salaries and school expenses for our children would also no longer be a concern.

Despite changes in the basic education curriculum to bring it up to international standards, the military regime still doesn’t consider the rights of those who work in education and those of the students. It shows that there is no freedom of education in our country.

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Workers’ rights seditious in Burma
By Awzar Thi
Column: Rule of Lords
Published: July 10, 2008

Hong Kong, China — Prosecutors in Burma can put together a charge of sedition for just about anything. Lots of people learned that they committed the offence by complaining publicly about increased fuel prices last year. Others have inadvertently been seditious by holding well-meaning talks on their country’s future.

So six men who tried to assemble some people and discuss workers’ rights under domestic law on May 1, 2007, should perhaps have seen what was coming. One of them didn’t even make it to the venue. He was intercepted and sent straight to a special army facility. Unidentified men in unmarked vehicles picked up the others and brought them later.

In July, a case against the six began in a closed court, and in September they were found guilty of sedition and other crimes and sentenced to between 20 and 28 years imprisonment.

A fortnight ago, the case of Thurein Aung and five others came on appeal to the Supreme Court, where it had been pending for about three months. After the wait, it didn’t get very far. The court threw it out immediately. The only avenue that now remains for the defendants is special leave of appeal before the same court.

Advocating for workers’ rights is no easy task in Burma. Despite the remnants of socialist-era rhetoric and institutions that purport to place the interests of peasants and workers ahead of everyone else, in reality a host of laws and policing agencies operate to prevent the forming of independent unions, and factories carry warning signs against anybody trying any funny business.

So Thurein Aung and the others must to some extent have known what they were getting themselves into. Still, the litany of abuses and the scale of absurdity found in their case and others like it are indicative of the extent to which Burma’s legal and administrative system suffers from what one group has characterized as legal dementia.

When the charges were first brought, their lawyers tried unsuccessfully to get the hearings moved into an open court on the ground that the country’s judiciary law requires public trial unless otherwise prohibited. Not only were the lawyers unsuccessful, but they themselves were constantly harassed, until finally they were forced to withdraw in protest.

Meanwhile, the state-run newspapers carried articles denouncing the men’s modest attempts at having workers talk about their legitimate problems and legal rights.

“The attendees were divided into small groups, each of which was made up of about ten,” the New Light of Myanmar reported of the May 1 event. “And the groups held discussions about the difficulties they were facing in an exaggerated manner to create outrage of workers and then to incite protests.”

Preposterously, the court held against the six men because they themselves were not workers and therefore workers’ rights were a matter that, it concluded, had nothing to do with them. Through a further leap away from common sense, it decided that as the accused had no business to be organizing events on behalf of workers then they could only have been acting with intent to malign the state.

In every country there is disjuncture between what is written and what actually goes on, between what is said and what is done. However, it is the scale of the disconnect in Burma, where even meeting and talking about established rights under national law constitutes an offence against the state, that is the cause of woe for Thurein Aung and his colleagues, among many others.

Speaking on a shortwave radio channel after news that the appeal petition had been thrown out of court, one of the lawyers expressed no surprise at the outcome but said that they would press on and try for the special leave to appeal nonetheless. He didn’t sound optimistic about the result.

“The chances are really very few,” he said. “Out of a hundred cases, only one or two are ever accepted.” And even for the one or two that are, what difference does it really make?

(Awzar Thi is the pen name of a member of the Asian Human Rights Commission with over 15 years of experience as an advocate of human rights and the rule of law in Thailand and Burma. His Rule of Lords blog can be read at http://ratchasima.net)

http://upiasiaonline.com/Human_Rights/2008/07/10/ workers_rights_seditious_in_burma/9819/

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When a Disastrous Regime Continues
Special Contribution
By Nava Thakuria

The devastating cyclone Nargis that struck southern Burma two months ago, has revealed to the world that it was even less disastrous than its military regime, which can ignore its own people in urgent needs and even could prevent and restrict relief from international communities for the hundred thousand victims of the disaster with the apprehension that it might create an atmosphere for another people's uprising in the country.

Since August 2007, Burma continued to receive massive international media headlines. After 1988, it was for the first time, when hundred thousands Buddhist monks and common people of Burma came to the streets raising voices against the military regime known as the State Peace and Development Council. The movement was crushed by the military people and its thugs. Nearly hundred died and thousands were sent to jails, many of them are still behind the bar.

But this time, the junta has been challenged by the nature. A tropical cyclone moved towards the Burmese land from the Bay of Bengal on the night of May 2 and it devastated the entire Irrawaddy and Rangoon divisions of the country. The deadly cyclone Nargis also embraced three other divisions and states (Bago, Mon and Kayin) to kill nearly ninety thousand people and made another few thousands homeless. Nargis also left its trail of devastation on social infrastructures and killing thousands of livestock and also causing flood to paddy fields, which were made ready for Burma's primary crops (rice cultivation).

According to the latest government information, the storm killed 84,537 people, leaving 53,836 missing and 19,359 injured. The United Nations estimates that Nargis affected 2.4 million people and directly made hundred thousands homeless. At the same time, over 300,000 water buffalo and cows died in Irrawaddy delta and Rangoon localities. More over, nearly 1,000,000 acres of farmland in Irrawaddy and 300,000 acres in Rangoon Division were destroyed. Over one million acres of fertile lands also were flooded with the salty seawater during Nargis.

But the response to the disaster by its own rulers was very shocking. First the rulers couldn't provide immediate relief to the victims and then they tried to prevent (and restrict) the international aid for their very own people, who were in desperate need of food, medicine and shelter. Thirdly the junta went ahead with the referendum (in two phases) in the country with a number of pro-military provisions for their new constitution amidst all the chaos. Fourthly, the rulers extended the detention of the pro-democracy icon Daw Aung San Suu Kyi for one more year that prompted harsh criticism from the international communities.

"If a regime is challenged by the people, the rulers might have choices to deploy its forces and the SPDC did during last year's popular uprising. But this time, the junta has been challenged by none other than the nature (read cyclone). So what did military rulers do? As they can never go against the nature, they went against the innocent people! Have you heard of a government, which not only denied timely and adequate relief to those victims of circumstances, but also bent preventing the same from outside sources?," commented a Rangoon based political activist Win Naing (name changed).

Answering queries from Asia Sentinel, Naing, a supporter of the pro-democracy movement led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi in Burma, also added, "The military regime at Nay Pyi Taw always remained blind to the political power and they can go to all extends to maintain it. Hence they could ignore all the troubles faced by the cyclone victims. The SPDC chief Senior General Than Shwe got time to visit those victims only after international criticism surfaced in a bigger way. Mind it, they can easily sacrifice the people, but never tolerate international access (through the aid workers) to its common people."

The callousness of the junta was also criticized by Suzanne DiMaggio, Director of the Asia Society's Social Issues Program (and former Vice President of Global Policy Programs at the United Nations Association of the USA) saying that 'for nearly five decades, Burma's military rulers have systematically undermined the interests of their own citizens.'

Referring to the cyclone Narigs, she stated that the junta-controlled news media failed to announce warnings about the approaching cyclone.

"The entry of UN humanitarian personnel, has been delayed due to the government's refusal to allow aid workers into the country without first applying for visas. Moreover, the military leaders are dragging their feet on easing restrictions on the import of humanitarian supplies and allowing a UN assessment team into the country," she added.

Similar views were expressed by a Burmese exile living in Europe, who claimed that nearly two million people, mostly farmers and their families, were still living in horrible situations. Talking to Asia Sentinel from London, Tyaza Thuria expressed his anger that the military regime was only interested in retaining its power.

"Hence they have gone ahead with their plans for referendum (only to forcefully approve the pro-military constitution) and finally to install a puppet civilian regime after the 2010 polls," he asserted adding that the junta had done nothing for the rehabilitation for the cyclone victims. They did not also put any effort to warn the people about the deadly storm. In reality the junta just doesn't care about the people.

The junta went with their own 'roadmap to democracy', where the Army would enjoy the emergency power in need and could even topple an elected government (for the National security). Moreover seats will be reserved for the people with Armed forces background in the Parliament. The new constitution will also prevent Suu Kyi from contesting the election as she had married a non-Burmese (an Englishman).

More to add it, the junta had extended the period of house arrest for Suu Kyi for one more year. The Nobel laureate had already spent five full years under detention since May, 2003. Hence the decision of the junta on Suu Kyi's detention invited prompt and harsh criticism from the world communities. From the United Nations to European Union and the United States to other pro-democratic regimes, all came out with stronger words of condemnation against the military regime.

Mentionable that the UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon visited Burma and met the SPDC chief Than Shwe on May 23, days ahead of junta's decision (on Suu Kyi) and he had no other option than expressing regret on the development. He however commented that 'the sooner the restrictions on Suu Kyi and other political figures are lifted, the sooner Burma will be able to move towards inclusive national reconciliation, the restoration of democracy and full respect for human rights.'

Even the UN chief also invited criticism from various advocacy groups that he was silent about Suu Kyi's prolonged detention while discussing with Than Shwe in Burma. Of course, he made it clear, while talking to media persons in New York, that 'his trip was a purely humanitarian one intended to save lives, not to press a pro-democracy agenda,'

The Secretary-General also added, "I went there with a message of solidarity and hope, telling the survivors (of cyclone Nargis) that the world is with you and that the world is ready to help you."

Nargis hit the country in a critical period of the year. The month of May in English calendar year brings the season for preparing rice seedlings, to be planted later. Like many South and Southeast Asian countries, rice is the primary crop (also the staple food) of Burma. The traditional rice plantation needs to be completed within the rainy season, more preferably by the July end. The harvesting time starts from October.

Hence the May 2-3 disaster can put a heavy toll on rice production in Burma. The cyclone in one hand flooded the arable lands with the salty sea water, destroyed the already grown saplings and on the other hand it killed the water buffalos (also cows), which remained essential for the poor Burmese cultivators for ploughing. If immediate actions are not taken to support the farmers with tiller and fresh rice saplings, it can be guessed that Burma might face food crisis at the end of the year; Because the Irrawaddy (river) delta region produces most (almost 60 %) of the country's rice.

Besides rice, the region also contributes in fish productions. The cyclone damaged most of the fishing ponds, hatcheries and shrimp farms of the area and it could add more people under poverty tag in the coming days.

Meanwhile the UN Undersecretary-General Noeleen Heyzer issued a clarion call for supplying fuel (to run the power tillers) for the Burmese farmers. Heyzer had reportedly stated that this initiative was crucial for the affected Burmese farmers 'to meet their planting season' to rebuild their livelihood.

Earlier the Burmese Agriculture minister Htay Oo informed that they urgently needed diesel (it might be a volume of five million litre) to run around 5,000 power tillers. It may be mentioned that, understanding the real and immediate difficulties of the rice growers, many countries including China and Thailand donated the power tillers to the farmers.

Burma, which was once known as the rice bowl of Asia, has slowly lost the volume of rice production. Four decades of non-governance under the military rule and disastrous economic policies of the junta has left Burma in such a pathetic condition that the farmers now lost their interest and motivation for surplus productions.

Amidst all the troubles and uncertainties looming over Burma, Win Naing, who keeps a closer look at the political developments in the entire country, hopes for a major uprising in the country. And he has arguments what he and many of his friends are expecting.

"The cyclone has taught the Burmese people that there is nothing like governance in Burma and they have to face all the problems with their own with outside supports. In fact, they come to realize the presence of outer agencies in a bigger way after the disaster. It will definitely enrich their optimism for a change," Naing argued.

He also added, "During the saffron revolution (September, 2007), the Burmese people (over 80% of them are Buddhist) witnessed how their government could torture the monks, the most respected community in the country, to remain in power. This time, they have seen the cruelty of the government towards them. I apprehend try the junta will slip into a bigger trouble very soon as the regime has started losing its influence on the monks and the common people. We expect if it would happen little earlier!"


Nava Thakuria, who serves as a freelance writer for The Seoul Times, is based in Guwahati of Northeast India . He works as an independent journalist for many media outlets and can be contacted at navathakuria@gmail.com

http://theseoultimes.com/ST/?url=/ST/db/read.php?idx=6889

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Burmese Needs Divide the Aid Industry
By AUNG ZAW
Thursday, July 10, 2008

If the deadly Cylone Nargis helped create a greater humanitarian space inside Burma, it would be welcome news indeed. More aid and more relief workers should be able to enter Burma and assist the Burmese.

John Holmes, UN undersecretary-general for humanitarian affairs, has told a press conference: “The relief operation is proceeding. The access for international humanitarian relief workers has improved markedly over the last six weeks; though we are still working on that. But, I think, we have made distinct progress.”

Questioned about access to the Irrawaddy delta, Holmes said conditions had changed a lot and relief workers were being allowed to go there—“Not unlimited as we would like, but it is improving all the time. Access is improving and is being made easier.”

Cyclone Nargis and its aftermath are doubtless a mega challenge for every humanitarian group. UN agencies and international non-governmental organizations (INGOs), who have previously played only a limited role in helping the needy, can now sense that their post-cyclone efforts could be expanded beyond the delta.

If the generals are smart enough to relate to UN and international agencies and open more doors to them, more aid will flood into Burma.
 
Many INGOs are waiting for the opportunity to work inside the country and to have more access to the local population. INGOs engaged in a wide range of work have their own agenda in advancing their operations inside the country.

Perhaps the opportunity now arises for the international community to create a space inside Burma to open up local communities and work with them.

Despite a measure of optimism, shared by John Holmes, much skepticism remains about the regime’s policy toward the UN and INGOs.

Wider implications also come into play. Because of the attention claimed by Cyclone Nargis, it is feared that there will be less money available to help more than 100,000 Burmese refugees living in camps along the Thai-Burmese border. Some observers express concern that border-based projects and cross-border operations will be jeopardized. 

In recent years there has been a shift in the attention given to the plight of the refugees and in the flow of aid.

Burma watchers say that after the Global Fund stopped funding the fight inside Burma against HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis and malaria in 2005, bitter competition over funding developed between INGOS working inside and outside the country.

The Global Fund, which had pledged US $100 million over five years, said it halted its Burma program because of increased travel restrictions inside the country made it difficult for aid workers to function properly, although political reasons were also reported to be behind the decision.

The Three Diseases (3-D) Fund took over the fight to control Burma’s three main killer diseases, but competition between the INGOs over territory and funding continues. Concern deepens that long-established humanitarian projects will be neglected and refugees and migrants will be left alone and unprotected.

There has never been much love lost between groups working inside Burma and those outside the country. Border-based INGOs accuse those working within the country of allowing themselves to be compromised by the regime and even kowtowing to the junta, mixing politics and humanitarian concerns.

There are even reports of rowdy INGO parties in Rangoon’s luxury hotels. “My downtown hotel was packed with INGO workers and the bar was doing great business,” one US philanthropist told The Irrawaddy. “There were young aid workers there who had never stayed in such a hotel and who seemed to forget why they were there at all.”

A similar scene has been reported by some visitors to the Thai-Burmese border town of Mae Sot, which also has a lively night-life.

The foreign aid workers and policy makers advocating Burma-based projects often accuse border-based NGOs of being narrow-minded, political, divisive and of exploiting local communities for religious and political purposes.

They claim that those with vested interests want to keep refugees in the camps—security officials, rebel and political groups are anxious to maintain the status quo and even rice traders with lucrative deals to supply the camps.

It is indeed ironic that while more than 2 million Burmese are living and working in Thailand, 100,000 refugees continue to live in the camps.

Relief missions working within Burma insist that more assistance is needed there given the degree of poverty and the large population. Refugees in the border camps, they claim, are better off than people in the rural areas of Burma. Cross-border aid is just throwing water into the sand, they maintain.

Although the division between the two groups doubtless has an impact on local communities who really are in need of assistance, there’s no sign of a reconciliation of views.

At the same time, cooperation and communication between Burmese living on the border and those inside the country have increased and intensified.

Burmese have been traveling in and out of Burma, establishing contacts and building networks and making friends. Exiled Burmese have organized fund-raising ceremonies and contributed donations to causes inside Burma.

Several influential Buddhist monks inside and outside Burma have cooperated in raising money to help people in the affected areas.

Cyclone Nargis swept away the old divisions. There is no more “inside” and “outside.”

After all, Burma is a poor and crisis-torn country and a perfect place for “emergency cowboys”, consultants, international foundations and the UN to work.

For the past 20 years, relief workers of all kinds have been coming and going, but at the end of the day it is the Burmese who have to work to rebuild the country.

The relief workers thrive on crisis. Cyclone Nargis and its aftermath will soon be no longer an emergency that warranted huge international aid. The aid machine will move on, propelled by many who are building careers on crisis management.

They will leave behind the true crisis managers—the Burmese themselves, on whose shoulders falls the greatest weight of reconstructing their shattered country.

http://www.irrawaddy.org/print_article.php?art_id=13252

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