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Ceasefire group under pressure to surrender
Villagers tortured for "not seeing" the rebels
Truck caught with drug chemicals released after bribe
Trading drugs at Singapore Plazas
Burma's longest-held political prisoner
Burma Imprisons 4 Activists for Campaigning Against Draft Constitution
Chevron's dilemma over its stake in Burma
New Report: Drowning the Green Ghosts of Kayanland
The current state of drug policy debate: Trends in the last decade in the EU and UN

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Ceasefire group under pressure to surrender
5 July 2008

The National Democratic Alliance Army-Eastern Shan State (NDAA-ESS), commonly known as the Mongla group, has been urged twice last June to “exchange arms for peace,” a euphemism for surrender, according to a senior Shan officer from Mongla, opposite China’s Daluo.

Map of Mongla

“They told us the draft constitution will go into effect in 2010,” he said on condition of anonymity. “All armed groups in Burma would then come under the single command. Accordingly, independent armed groups would no longer be tolerated.”

The Mongla group, officially known as Shan State Special Region #4, has been given another choice: to become a special combat police force under the new ‘civilian’ government.

Another demand was also made for Mongla, led by 62-year old Sai Leun aka Lin Mingxian, to withdraw from Hsop Lwe, the mouth of the Lwe river that flows into the Mekong, which is strategically and commercially important for Mongla’s survival.

Apart from Hsop Lwe, Sai Leun was urged to remove his troops from Mongyu and Monglwe, both south of the Nam Lwe. He was also told to give up villages surrounding Hsaleu, headquarters of its 369th Brigade. “That was not only to cut off Mongla from Hsaleu, but also from Mongphen (in Wa territory),” the officer explained. “In the event of offensive by the Burma Army, not only we cannot expect any support from the United Wa State Army (UWSA), both Hsaleu and Mongla will be completely and separately surrounded.”

So far Mongla has yet to respond to the demands.

The Shan State Army (SSA) “North,” officially Shan State Special Region #3, meanwhile has been urged to seriously consider the following proposition by junta authorities, according to an SSA source:

* For the leadership to retire and form a political party
* For the younger officers to take over the command
* The SSA North will recruit new soldiers and the Burma Army will train them
* The Burma Army will be responsible for salaries and all expenditures

“The offer of course was only short of saying we would become a part of the Tatmadaw (Armed Forces of Burma),” an officer commented wryly. (Another interview conducted just before the release of this report said Mongla had received the same offer.)

SHAN has yet to hear from other groups. There were 15 armed groups that had concluded ceasefire with Rangoon: 9 in Shan State, 2 in Kachin State, 3 in Kayah (Karenni) State and 1 in Mon State until 2005, when two of them: Palaung State Liberation Army (PSLA) and Shan State National Army (SSNA), both based in Shan State, were forced to surrender.

http://www.shanland.org/politics/2008/ceasefire-group-under-pressure-to-surrender

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Villagers tortured for "not seeing" the rebels
By Hseng Khio Fah
No.04-7/2008
5 July 2008
Human Rights

Three villagers from Kunhing, southern Shan State were beaten by the Burmese Army on 3 July and after they denied seeing and knowing the whereabouts of the Shan State Army (SSA) "South" fighters in the areas, reports Shan Herald correspondent from southern Shan State.

A 22 strong patrol from Kholam based Light Infantry Battalion 66 led by Lt Aung Chan Tha detained villagers of Nayang, Wan Phai village tract, while working in their fields and asked about the SSA and whether it was operating in the area.

When the villagers denied seeing the SSA, Lt Aung Chan Tha himself beat Long Hsu,60, Sai Lern Hsai, 18, and Sai Doo, 18, until blood came out of their mouths and their heads and faces became swollen.

“Those three were in great pain, but dared not complain anything,” a villager told to Shan Herald on condition of anonymity.

LIB 66 was based in Namzang and moved to Kho Lam about 4 years ago. It is always patrolling around the neighboring Kunhing areas, according to SHAN sources.

Since the May 10 referendum was held, clashes between SSA and Burma Army have increased and several abuses like sexual violence, forced labor and forced portering have been occurring.

For more details, please contact Tel- 0801260064

http://shanland.org/humanrights/2008/villagers-tortured-for-not-seeing-the-rebels

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Truck caught with drug chemicals released after bribe
By Hseng Khio Fah
4 July 2008

After bribing the authorities, the truck which was seized with drug production facilities and precursor chemicals by Central Committee for Drug Abuse Control (CCDAC) in Tachilek, eastern Shan State was released two weeks ago, reports Shan Herald correspondent from the Thai-Burma border.

Lahu militia leader, Kya Ngoi

The truck owned by 40-year old Sai Maung was seized by the drug authorities on the way from Tachilek to Mong Toom, Monghsat township, at the Ponghtun checkpoint, according to a source.

After investigation, it was found out that the materials belonged to Lahu militia led by Kya Ngoi (Ja Ngoi). Sai Maung was hired to transport them from Tachilek to Mong Toom where three drug refineries are reportedly located.

The three drug refineries are owned by Kya Ngoi, Ai Long and Ar Zaw, according reliable sources from the border. The materials on the truck were said to have been owned by Kya Ngoi’s sons Kya Saw and Kya  Shipi.

“There were three cars to ship the materials. They let Sai Maung’s go first,” said a local.

However, both sons denied the materials were theirs and told the officials that they were owned by Sai Maung.

“Sai Maung was released with his car after a relative of him bribed the authorities,” said the villager.

After two days of his release, the authorities confiscated all the properties belonging to his family including his house, the source said.

Sai Maung, a member of Kya Ngoi’s group, is a resident of Wan Kart village, Mornghsat township.

There are three checkpoints in Mong Toom on the way to the refineries, according to informed sources. The first one is currently manned by Burmese soldiers from Light Infantry Battalion 554, and the other two by members of Lahu militia.

http://shanland.org/drugs/2008/truck-caught-with-drug-chemicals-released-after-bribe

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Trading drugs at Singapore Plazas
Friday, July 4, 2008
By Yin Yin Nwe

Walking along the sparkling streets of Singapore, where everything is perfect and authorities pride themselves promoting their "drug clean" island city, authorities conveniently turn a blind eye to a vicious circle that is distributed over the counter (OTC).

Singaporeans are not aware comethazine trading is being piled-up daily and distributed at Peninsula Plaza which is located near the city hall MRT station from where trading has been taking place over a decade ago. Although Singapore has strict laws to punish drug traffickers, the plaza seems to be free-form drug ruled for the past 10 years.

Comethazine – known to be in Singapore as diphenhydramine / dextromethorphan (DXM) was used by Burmese physicians to treat sore throat and/or respiratory symptoms. These days, comethazine users take the drug at pleasure as a sedative pleasurable drug. The drug among Burmese is known as Ngar.

Min Min a Burmese native said, "I took it every weekend and I got it from Peninsula Plaza car park. The vendor is well acquainted at Peninsula Plaza and Grand Plaza park hotel. Nowadays prices have hiked to 12 dollars per 100mg bottle. The comethazine use has increased that many Malay teenagers and local people are purchasing from Peninsula Plaza", Min Min said.

Joseph a student (not his real name) is working part-time selling comethazine to pay off his school fees. He said, "I tried to find other jobs for my school fees and other expenses but I still have to back this job because this job can earn money easily within a short period". He also said his most regular customers are Burmese and Singaporean Malay youth.

Predominately comethazine users came from overseas, Burmese seaman and construction workers. Now the preference for the drug is adopted by Singaporean teenagers. Without a care local teenagers hang around the city hall MRT station or Peninsula Plaza taking comethazine. Another notorious location was Galan Lorong 23 near the coffee shop.

In Burma, if the drug is used without a prescription, legal action is taken against the user because comethazine is high in codeine and has heroin characteristics.

Kyaw has been working in Singapore for more than a decade he said that, "students initiate as comethazine users later on become street distributors in the long run ending in jail. Some have work-permits and/or S pass holders. Leave of absence at work is high due to comethazine usage employers have no choice but to let them go.

"Comethazine vendors carry a briefcase or duffel bag, positioning themselves at the 3floor near the corridor in the Peninsula Plaza. The vendor pretends to be an ordinary customer frequenting the food stalls stacking the bottle at several locations around the Plaza. Street distributors dispatch 5 or 10 bottles each time to sale to their regular customers. It is very distressing to see this new generation becoming dependant", he added.

Apart from Peninsula Plaza becoming the drug exchange, the Singaporean police are handling the problem very poorly. If a person is caught by the police in possession of the drug the following day the police relaxes turning their nose to the other side.

A salesman said the relations between the vendor/distributor and the police are very close. The vendor/distributor becomes a police informant of any political movements reporting all political actions and identities.

It is very infuriating that the target sales occur in an area where Burmese and young straight people frequent. The authorities should take a look to the area as it is contaminated and it needs a major clear-out.

http://paraussies.blogspot.com/2008/07/trading-drugs-at-singapore-plazas.html

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Myanmar charges 14 Suu Kyi supporters for birthday demonstration
AFP
47 minutes ago

Myanmar authorities have charged 14 supporters of detained democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi for protesting against the extension of her house arrest, police said Saturday.

They were arrested on Suu Kyi's 63rd birthday on June 19 as they shouted for her release outside the party headquarters of her National League for Democracy (NLD).

"They were charged at the township court on Friday afternoon for causing public unrest that day by shouting slogans," a police source said.

The NLD said it was working for their release.

"I was told 14 people appeared at Bahan township court yesterday afternoon. We are hoping for the best for them," party spokesman Nyan Win said.

Last Monday the NLD accused the government of illegal detention.

"The arrest was not in accordance with the law," the statement said.

On Friday, four NLD members were each sentenced to a year in jail for urging people to vote "No" in a nationwide constitutional referendum, which was held and passed by the ruling junta in May.

The NLD said another senior party member had been arrested on Wednesday in Shwe Pyitha township in northern Yangon without reason.

Myanmar has been ruled by the military since 1962.

Aung San Suu Kyi, the world's only Nobel Peace Prize winner currently in detention, has spent most of the last 18 years confined to her home. The junta extended her house arrest by another year in May.

She led her party to a landslide victory in 1990 elections, but has never been allowed to govern.

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Burma's longest-held political prisoner
By Zin Linn
Burma Question
Published: July 04, 2008

Bangkok, Thailand — U Win Tin, a veteran Burmese journalist, is the world’s longest serving prisoner of conscience.

Two press freedom associations, Reporters Without Borders and the Burma Media Association, have issued a statement calling for the release of the veteran journalist, who has spent 19 years in solitary confinement under the inhumane junta’s detention.

His health has deteriorated in the past few days. U Win Tin suffers from a serious heart condition and is being treated at the Rangoon General Hospital where he is confined to a tiny box cell designed for political prisoners.

“It will be exactly 19 years on July 4 since Burma’s military arrested Win Tin,” the groups’ statement said. “The government, which has a responsibility to protect the life of its citizens, should now release him,” it went on.

The famous imprisoned journalist has constantly refused to sign a confession promising to abandon his political career as a condition of his release. The 79-year-old was admitted to the hospital for a second surgical treatment for a hernia in January. The first surgery was in March 1995.

The former editor-in-chief of The Hantharwaddy Daily of Mandalay was awarded the UNESCO/Guillermo Cano World Press Freedom Prize, the World Association of Newspapers' Golden Pen of Freedom Award and Reporters without Border/Foundation de France Prize for his efforts to defend and promote freedom of expression.

Burma has been called “the world's largest prison for prisoners of conscience” including political prisoners and journalists. In addition to being one of Burma's most established journalists, U Win Tin is an executive member of the National League for Democracy. He has spent one-fourth of his life in prison.

U Win Tin has been imprisoned since July 4, 1989, in a special cell of the infamous Insein Prison in Rangoon. He was convicted and sentenced to three consecutive prison terms for a total of 21 years. One of the charges against him stems from his 1995 human rights abuses report to Yozo Yokota, the U.N. special rapporteur for human rights in Burma.

U Win Tin was also imprisoned because of his senior position as key consultant to Aung San Suu Kyi, leader of the National League for Democracy. Additional years were added to his sentence because of his attempts to inform the United Nations about human rights violations in prisons under the military rule. Military rulers also accused him of writing political commentaries and poems to be circulated among political prisoners in Insein Prison, where possession of writing materials was forbidden.

The journalist told a friend who was allowed to visit him in 2007: "Two prison officers asked me at a special meeting last week whether I would resume political activities if I were released. I told them that I will definitely do so since it is my duty as a citizen to strive for democracy."

In 1996, military intelligence personnel regularly visited U Win Tin in prison in order to examine his political stand. They took him to their office in the prison and questioned him on various topics. They frequently tried to persuade him to join the junta. But U Win Tin always turned down their offers.

U Win Tin told the author, who was in the same cell block at that time, about an incident with the authorities. “It happened in 1991,” he said. “They took me out of my cell to an exhibition – ‘The Real Story behind the Big Waves and Strong Winds’ – held at Envoy Hall in Rangoon. The aim of the exhibition was to deplore the 1988 uprising as a riot created by destructive elements and terrorists,” said U Win Tin.

He recounted that there was a big character poster at the doorway of the exhibition saying, “Only when the Tatmadaw (military) is strong, will the nation be strong.” There were many galleries in the show. Each gallery highlighted the role of the army and emphasized that it was the sole force that could defend the nation.

The show also described the junta's discrimination against the role of the democratic institutions and societies. “The final conclusion is that no one except the generals can protect the unity of the nation including its sovereignty," said U Win Tin.

After witnessing the show, the authorities asked U Win Tin what he thought about the exhibition. They gave him some paper and a pen and told him to write down his opinion. "I wrote down my criticism. I used 25 sheets of paper. It was a blunt commentary. I made my explanation in a sense of sincerity and openness. But it irritated them severely," he told me later.

First of all, he criticized the army’s motto, “Only when the army is strong will the country be strong.”

“It's the logic of the generals to consolidate militarism in Burma,” he explained to me later. ‘Their logic tells us that they are more important than the people. They used to say they are the saviors of the country; that’s why they grabbed the sovereign power. That means they neglect the people’s wishes.”

Thus he wrote: “The slogan tells us that Burma is going against a policy of peace and prosperity.” He went on to explain his understanding of the role of the army as the guardian of the nation but with no obligation to be involved in administrative affairs.

He said, “The real thing is that the military comes out of the womb of the people. Thus, the slogan must be like this: ‘The people are the only parents of the military.’ Anyone who does not care about his own parents is a rogue,” he pointed out to the generals.

He also emphasized that if the generals really loved peace and wanted prosperity for the nation, they needed to truthfully reflect on their limitations. The generals might want what’s best for the country, but they did not know how to handle the entire state of affairs. They are accustomed to mismanagement.

“Eventually, I came straight to the point: The army must go back to the barracks. That will make everything better in Burma,” he told me plainly.

The junta was very disgruntled with his criticism and accused him of advising Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to launch a civil disobedience campaign in 1989. Then, they made another lawsuit against him and increased his jail term by 11 years.

They put him alone in his cell. The cell was 8.5 by 11.5 feet. There was only a bamboo mat on the concrete floor. He had to sleep, eat, walk and use the toilet in the same place. He could not see the sun, the moon or the stars. He was intentionally barred from breathing fresh air, tasting nourishing food and drinking a drop of fresh water. The worst thing was throwing the old writer into solitary confinement in such a cage for two decades.

In 1994, U.S. Congressman Bill Richardson met U Win Tin at Insein jail. Since that time he has continuously suffered from various health problems including his hernia, heart disease, failing eyesight and hemorrhoids. It is a surprise to everyone how tough this gallant journalist is.

For the junta, U Win Tin is really a man of steel. Although they wish to defeat him, they could never do it.

U Win Tin’s case is a good example of human rights violations under an inhumane regime. Article 5 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights says: “No one shall be subjected to torture or to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.”

But, the 79-year-old-man has been suffering a variety of inhumane tortures and unjust punishments for 19 years. The United Nations must take responsibility to flex its muscles when human rights are ignored by such an unmanageable regime as that in Burma.

(Zin Linn is a freelance Burmese journalist in exile. He spent nine years in a Burmese prison as a prisoner of conscience. He now serves as information director of the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma, and is vice-president of the Burma Media Association. ©Copyright Zin Linn.)

http://upiasiaonline.com/Human_Rights/2008/07/04/burmas_longest-held_political_prisoner/3155/

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Burma Imprisons 4 Activists for Campaigning Against Draft Constitution
By VOA News
04 July 2008

Burmese authorities have sentenced four opposition members to prison for campaigning against the military government's new constitution.

A spokesman for the National League for Democracy, Nyan Win, told reporters Friday that all four were sentenced last month to one year prison terms. He said the activists were arrested in March for distributing leaflets urging voters to reject the constitution, which was drafted by the military government.

The government claimed an overwhelming victory in the referendum on the constitution held in May, days after a devastating cyclone left nearly 140,000 people dead or missing and more than two million others homeless.

Win said 14 other party members who were arrested on June 19, the birthday of party leader Aung San Suu Kyi, are still in detention.

Aung San Suu Kyi has been under house arrest for 12 of the past 18 years.

The opposition rejects the charter, saying it solidifies the military's hold on power. The country's military leadership says the document is part of a seven-step roadmap to democracy, leading to multi-party elections in 2010.

Some information for this report was provided by AFP and Reuters.

http://www.voanews.com/english/2008-07-04-voa51.cfm

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Chevron's dilemma over its stake in Burma
Zachary Coile, Chronicle Washington Bureau
Saturday, July 5, 2008
(07-05) 04:00 PDT Washington - --

Ever since Burma's leaders engaged in a bloody crackdown on pro-democracy protests last fall, Congress has pushed to tighten sanctions against the country's ruling generals. And that's put Chevron Corp., the largest U.S. investor in Burma, in the crosshairs.

The San Ramon-based energy giant has a 28 percent stake in the Yadana natural gas field and pipeline, which feeds Asia's growing energy appetite but also helps prop up the Burmese junta. In December, the House passed a bill by the now-deceased Rep. Tom Lantos, D-San Mateo, that would have revoked a tax benefit for Chevron to pressure the company to divest from Burma.

"This legislation will turn off a huge cash spigot for the thuggish Burmese regime," Lantos said last year.

But Chevron now appears to have caught a break: As House and Senate negotiators put the final touches on the Burma Democracy Promotion Act, their aides and human rights groups say they plan to drop the provision, which was not in the Senate version of the bill. The legislation will instead focus on slashing the leadership's revenue from its trade in gemstones and timber and establishing a new position of U.S. envoy for Burma.

In place of the House-passed Chevron measure, lawmakers are pushing compromise language that would encourage Chevron to voluntarily divest from Burma. It would be a slap on the wrist from Congress, one unlikely to sway Chevron executives.

The battle over the Chevron provision has been the last sticking point to passing a bill that has broad support on Capitol Hill. Lawmakers of both parties were shocked by the scenes of monks being beaten in the streets of Rangoon. The junta's refusal to accept foreign aid after a deadly cyclone in May only reinforced the efforts to put the squeeze on the leadership.

A divisive provision

But the provision affecting Chevron has split lawmakers and even divided some human rights groups. The crux of the issue: Would the action against a U.S. oil company have any impact on the junta?

The measure by Lantos, who died of esophageal cancer in February, sought to pressure Chevron by revoking its ability to deduct from its U.S. taxes the tax payments it makes to the Burmese junta as part of the Yadana project. The goal was to make it more costly for the firm to do business with Burma - or Myanmar, as its military rulers call it. Congress used the same tactic in the 1980s to battle apartheid in South Africa, and some U.S companies divested.

But Chevron is only a minority stakeholder in the Yadana project, which is managed by France's Total, which holds a 31 percent stake, along with Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise, a Burmese state entity, and the Petroleum Authority of Thailand.

Chevron's position

Chevron officials have argued that if it were forced to sell its stake, China, India or another energy-hungry nation would gobble it up, with revenues flowing unimpeded to Burma's military leaders.
"It's pretty clear that this is a very attractive asset and other people would be interested," Chevron Vice Chairman Peter Robertson told The Chronicle last year.

House Foreign Affairs Committee Chairman Rep. Howard Berman, D-Los Angeles, has been pushing Lantos' bill, arguing that Chevron should not benefit from a tax deduction for its payments to a repressive government.

But Sen. Dianne Feinstein, D-Calif., a lead sponsor of a 2003 bill that set stiff sanctions against Burma, has taken an opposite view. In a recent interview with Politico, she warned that forcing Chevron to divest could be counterproductive. "Other countries are going to take it over and, most particularly, the Burmese government will take it over. So what is gained by doing this?" she said.

Compromise in works

Feinstein spokesman Scott Gerber said this week that the senator has not been actively involved in the negotiations, but she backs the compromise that's likely to be announced soon. The bill "will strengthen and expand existing sanctions against Burma," he said.

The issue has relevance to the presidential race. The GOP's presumptive nominee, Sen. John McCain of Arizona, introduced an even tougher bill last fall that would have forced Chevron to divest from Burma. But the Senate coalesced around a different bill, sponsored by Senate Foreign Relations Committee Chairman Joseph Biden, D-Del., and Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Ky., which did not include the Chevron provision.

Jennifer Quigley, who's been lobbying the bill for the U.S. Campaign for Burma, said leaving the House's Chevron tax provision in would probably have doomed chances to get a bill through the Senate this year. Her group was more worried about winning other key provisions, including a crackdown on imports of Burmese rubies and jade into the United States, which could cost the junta hundreds of millions in revenue each year.

"Some people wanted to take a stand on Chevron. Other people said let's just get this through," Quigley said. "For us, we want the bill. It's very nice to take a stand, but for us what is most important is getting rid of this regime. Priority No. 1 is how to get legislation that is most effective at targeting the regime."

Quigley said the final bill also is likely to include language to help reduce illegal imports of wood products from Burma, especially teak, another key source of income for the junta.

Main revenue source

Still, natural gas remains the Rangoon government's chief source of revenue, totaling about 45 percent of its $8.7 billion in declared exports in 2007. Despite U.S. and European Union sanctions, the junta has been able to cut lucrative energy deals with its neighbors, including Thailand, China, South Korea, Malaysia and India.

Chevron acquired its stake in the Yadana and Sein offshore gas fields in the Andaman Sea when it bought its rival Unocal in 2005. Congress banned new investments by U.S. companies in Burma starting in 1997, but Unocal's ownership stake was grandfathered in because its venture began in 1993.

Marco Simons, legal director for EarthRights International, which has been critical of Chevron over human rights abuses linked to the Yadana pipeline, said he agrees that it's unlikely that forcing Chevron to divest would hurt the junta.

"The fact of the matter is whether Chevron is there or not, those dollars are still going to flow to the generals as long as Thailand is still paying the bills (for the natural gas) and the banks are still processing the payments," Simons said. "It may send a signal that the United States is taking democracy in Burma more seriously, but it's not going deprive them of any money, which is really what these projects are all about for the regime."

E-mail Zachary Coile at zcoile@sfchronicle.com.
http://www.sfgate.com/cgi-bin/article.cgi?f=/c/a/2008/07/05/MNS311I24I.DTL

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New Report: Drowning the Green Ghosts of Kayanland

This short report describes the current and projected impacts of the Upper Paunglaung Dam on the Kayan people, including displacement, increased abuses by the Burma Army, and loss of livelihoods. The dam, slated for completion in 2009, will generate electricity for Nay Pyi Taw, the military regime's isolated new capital. Published in June 2008.

To download the report: English | Burmese
Best downloaded with Adobe Acrobat 7 and plus

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The current state of drug policy debate
Trends in the last decade in the European Union and United Nations

Repressive drugs policies in the last ten years have patently failed as drugs are cheaper than ever, but legalisation doesn’t solve all the problems associated with the illegal drug economy either. So what are the principles and strategies for effective alternative policies that are emerging?

Transnational Institute (TNI) : http://www.tni.org/index.phtml

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