Amnesty International condemns the new arrests of political activists inside Myanmar, despite the commitment by Prime Minister Thein Sein to the UN Special Representative Ibrahim Gambari in early November that no more arrests would be carried out. "Two months after the violent crackdown on peaceful demonstrators, arbitrary arrests continue unabated as part of the Myanmmar government’s systematic suppression of freedom of expression and association, contrary to its claims of a return to normalcy," said Catherine Baber, Amnesty International's Asia-Pacific Programme Director.

On 15 November, 2007, troops from Burma Army LIB 218 and 219 shot and killed Saw Ler Gay of Ler Wah village. On 19 Nov, The same troops shot and killed Naw Nya Htoo, also from Ler Wah. Villagers from Ler Wah, which is in Kyauk Kyi Township, have been in hiding from the Burma Army since they fled attacks in early 2006. Villagers have attempted to stay together, living as IDPs in the nearby hills, while returning to farm in their old fields. With these latest attacks, the Burma Army is attempting to terrorize and make life impossible for those in hiding, either forcing them further into hiding or to flee as refugees.

ERI was recently interviewed once again on the PBS show NOW with Host David Brancaccio, in a feature entitled "Corportaions and Human Rights." Four years ago, NOW focused on the groundbreaking case (Doe v. Unocal) in which ERI successfully used the Alien Tort Claims Act to hold the American oil giant Unocal accountable for its involvement in atrocities committed against villagers near its pipeline in Burma. Earlier this month, in their continuing coverage of corporations and humran rights, NOW talked with ERI about our case against Chevron for its alleged involvement in human rights abuses in Nigeria (Bowoto v. ChevronTexaco.) In another recent victory, Judge Illston agreed to allow the case to go to a jury trial in 2008 in federal court in San Francisco.

The UN Secretary General’s report, dated 23-11-2007, in relation to child rights, mentioned the use of child soldiers by the SPDC in Burma in violation of child rights. It further stated that the KNU and other ethnic organizations were also implicated in the violation. In clarification of the matter, we, the KNU would like to issue our statement as follows. 1. In years gone by, the KNU had allowed those who had attained the age of 16 years to join the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA). However, the KNU issued directives to the KNLA not to recruit persons, who had not attained the age of 18 years, starting from the year 2003. 2. Since 2003, the KNU has not only banned the use of child soldiers, under the age of 18, but has also strengthened the ban by instructing the KNLA officers at all levels to follow the directive precisely and to verify and enforce the ban.

FBR Report: On 15 November 2007, troops from Burma Army Division 11 attacked Internally Displaced People (IDPs) at Ler Wah and Ta Hoe Aung. The 300 people, including at least 100 children, fled the Burma Army attack without time to take any of their belongings. Two new Burma Army divisions reinforce units in northern Karen State: Two new divisional size units have now moved into northern Karen State, raising the number of division-sized units from six to eight. This is two more divisions than when the offensive began in 2006. Each division and Military Operations Command have ten battalions. The two new units are MOC 6 and Division 33.

Saying anything bad about Khun Sa, ex-Mong Tai Army (MTA) leader who died on 28 October under virtual house arrest in Rangoon, could cost you a short stay at the village. Maybe a bang of the door in your face. Please find your way out of my house, Mister. No doubt it is no sweat to find faults with Khun Sa (1934-2007). He had lots of them: assassination of several prominent Shan leaders including Zam Mong, Hseng Harn and Sai Lek, favoritism to yes-men especially those of ethnic Chinese origins, his insatiable appetite for the opposite sex, and others.

Southeast Asian civil society representatives today met in Singapore calling for radical change in the Southeast Asia regional body. Representatives of civil society groups within the regional network of the Solidarity for Asian People's Advocacy (SAPA) Working Group on ASEAN voiced their concerns on key contending issues such as the human rights situation in Burma, amidst the 13 th ASEAN Summit held in the country during 19-21 November 2007. 

Due to Burma Army oppression there are over 70,000 Karenni people displaced in hidden sites, new villages, rebuilt villages and forced relocation sites. Burma Army units now operating in Southwestern Karenni State are: IB 134, 135 and LIB 530. These units are based out of Pasaung. IB 135 and LIB 530 are providing security for the Mawchi-Pasaung Road and the Mawchi mines. IB 134 is patrolling north from Pasaung and Bawlake.

Attached, please find the summary of international responses to the recent crisis in Burma. The purpose of APPPB providing this summary is to give readers an overview of the international responses to the recent crisis in Burma, to reflect on what we have achieved and to stimulate further analysis.

Summary of International Responses109kb PDF format

Gambari’s essential mission was to help establish a dialogue between the SPDC and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. In that he has been successful. It is a much larger achievement than it seems given that the generals do not want a dialogue. We should not reject the talks prematurely but help Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to make the talks meaningful and thereby help to improve the lives of the people of Burma.

The Burma Army has now maintained almost two years of unceasing attacks in Karen State, beginning in February of 2006 and still continuing to this time. The Burma Army's most recent offensive in northern Karen State has killed over 370 men, women and children and displaced over 30,000 people, most of whom are now in hiding. Over 33 new Burma Army camps were built in the areas of Papun, Nyaunglebin and Toungoo districts in 2006 alone, with over 52 new camps by January 2008.

"We only dared go back into the monastery in the morning. The whole building looked fairly messed up with doors that had been kicked open. We saw red stains on the floor… and solid red blobs that appeared to be blood."

U Thilavantha was a respected and much-loved member of his local community. He spent several years studying as a monk in Sri Lanka and was the Deputy Abbot of the Yuzana Kyaunghtai training school in Myitkyina, a city in the far north of Myanmar. He gave English classes to local children. He was around 35 years old.

I wish to thank all those who have stood by my side all this time, both inside and outside my country. I am also grateful to the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Ban Ki-moon, for his unwavering support for the cause of national reconciliation, democracy and human rights in my country.

In full awareness of the essential role of political parties in democratic societies, in deep appreciation of the sacrifices of the members of my party and in my position as General Secretary, I will be guided by the policies and wishes of the National League for Democracy. However, in this time of vital need for democratic solidarity and national unity, it is my duty to give constant and serious considerations to the interests and opinions of as broad a range of political organizations and forces as possible, in particular those of our ethnic nationality races.

This essay will outline the recent bloody crackdown on the Buddhist monks and civilians who took part in demonstration in Rangoon against the Burmese military government. It will analyse on how this crackdown has impacted on the people of Burma as well as people from around the world. It will also analyse how the people have exposed their solidarity with the monks and people of Burma. In this essay red-colour has been used to memoralise the monks. The essay found that Rangoon (Burma) has been observed as landscape of trauma.

The situation of oppression in the Shan State continues. All major villages and towns are controlled by the Burma Army. People are now not allowed to demonstrate in the streets. In the mountains and rural areas the dictators do not have complete control and launch regular patrols to project their power and dominance. Here living conditions are very difficult, with the oppression of the Burma Army's patrols and threats of attack. The people also lack schools and medical facilities.

The Burma Bulletin is a short month in review of events in Burma, particularly those of interest to the democracy movement and human rights activists. In the October 2007 issue you will find:

* "Situation of fear"

* Resistance continues

* SPDC internal conflict

* Displacement in Eastern Burma

* UN actions

* More sanctions

* Chronology of events

* List of Reports

* Much more...

U GAMBIRA and ASHIN NAYAKA provide a rare glimpse into the movement behind Myanmar’s monk- led uprising. Their message: the uprising is not over and the world must keep up the pressure. Religious orders of monks have been the face of Myanmar (Burma) since Buddhism was introduced here more than 1000 years ago. For a monk to involve himself in politics or to hold a political post is contrary to the ethical code of Theravada Buddhism. But in Myanmar today, this spiritual philosophy, rooted in compassion and non-violence, has assumed unexpected dimensions of defiance and recalcitrance, as monks challenge the hegemony of the military junta that rules our country.

It’s time to consider how to bring the brutal generals to justice. Nothing galvanized the Burmese nation against its colonial masters more than a proclamation in 1917 saying that British officials would not have to remove their shoes when entering Buddhist temples, pagodas and monasteries. It may sound strange to Westerners that this caused such an outcry, but, to the Burmese, it was the ultimate insult against their religion. The “Shoe Issue” dominated nationalist agitation in the 1920s, and it marked the beginning of the end of colonial rule in Burma.